Sri Lanka Finance Minister instructs to turn off all street lights until March 31

Basil Rajapaksa, Minister of Finance has instructed all heads of local government bodies to turn off all street lights in the country until March 31.

In a special statement issued to all heads of local government bodies and group leaders, Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa said that in addition to deactivating street lights, alternative ways of saving electricity should be implemented as much as possible to minimize the impact on daily life.

Hydro power plants, which contribute 30 percent of the country’s total electricity generation, have been completely shut down due to the prevailing rainless weather.

As an alternative to fill that gap, diesel and fuel power plants have to be used to generate electricity and add it to the national grid. Those power plants incur very high costs to produce a unit of electricity.

At the moment, world oil prices have risen sharply, and economists predict that oil prices will continue to rise, the Finance Minister noted. The situation is further complicated by the fact that internally the country’s dollar reserves are still limited.

The primary option for managing this situation is to use electricity sparingly on a priority basis, he explained.

In his announcement, the Minister of Finance has requested the heads of all governing bodies to turn off all street lamps until the 31st of this month to save electricity as an example.

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Sri Lanka MP briefs UNHRC on anti-terror law, Easter attack, imprisoned colleague

Calling for international support, Sri Lanka opposition MP Harin Fernando briefed the 49th session of the United Nation Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva on Monday on, among other matters, the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), the 2019 Easter bombings and the continued incarnation of his former parliamentary colleague Ranjan Ramanayake.

In a short address at the council session this afternoon (Sri Lanka time), Fernando said President Gotabaya Rajapksa has ignored requests including from the International Parliamentary Union (IPU) to pardon Ramanayake who is serving a four-year prison sentence for contempt of court.

The MP said Ramanayake’s civic rights have been removed over an offence that is not legally defined in Sri Lanka and cannot be appealed.

The island nation’s Supreme Court sentenced Ramanayake to four years’ rigorous imprisonment on January 12, 2021, over contempt of court charges, in connection with disparaging remarks he had allegedly made about the judiciary in August 2017. Imprisonment over contempt of court charges is legal but is increasingly seen as inappropriate and disproportionate, according to Director, Edinburgh Centre for Constitutional Law, Dr Asanga Welikala, who says many countries in the Commonwealth have introduced legislation to regulate contempt of court powers.

Fernando, a vocal critic of the government’s probes into the Easter Sunday bombings, told the UNHRC that the cries of the victims of the Easter Sunday bombings for truth and justice continue to be in vain.

“The non-prosecution of negligent high officials gives rise to the suspicion that the real brains behind the attacks are been shielded. Instead, investigator Shani Abeysekera, dubbed the ‘Sherlock Holmes of Sri Lanka’, and Senior Police officer Ravi Seneviratne are being hounded, and their lives are in danger,” he claimed.

Fernando also claimed that the government is reluctant to make meaningful changes to what he called the “draconian” PTA, Sri Lanka’s controversial counter-terror law that has been at the centre of many international deliberations on the country’s human rights record.

“The government is reluctant to make meaningful changes to the draconian PTA which facilitated arbitrary detention, torture, and convictions based solely on alleged confessions.

“Citizens exercising their freedom of expression are been harassed. Civil society activists work under severe pressure. Militarisation of the civilian administration is a characteristic of the government,” said Fernando.

Ethnic and religious minorities live in anxiety, the MP further claimed.

The MP also brought to notice of the council an alleged attack that took place against the main opposition office Monday morning by a government MP.

“Added to all this is economic mismanagement. The severe shortage of essential items, disruption of electrical supply, long queues for fuel, and the soaring cost of living are but a few of its consequences,” he said.

Sri Lanka is currently in the midst of one of the worst economic crises in its history as a result of a severe forex shortage brought about by excess money printing to keep interest rates low in a pegged exchange rate regime.

“I call upon the international community to support the people of Sri Lanka whose human rights have been threatened as never before,” the MP claimed.

Hundreds of bakeries shut in Sri Lanka after cooking gas runs out

Nearly 1,000 bakeries have closed in Sri Lanka due to a severe shortage of cooking gas, an industry association said on Monday, as the impact of dwindling foreign exchange reserves ricochets through the country’s economy.

The island nation is facing its worst financial crisis in a decade with foreign exchange reserves shrinking 70% to $2.36 billion in January, leaving the government struggling to pay for imports including food, medicine and fuel.

People are lining up at fuel pumps across the country and a shutdown of multiple power plants has led to rolling power cuts, sometimes lasting more than seven hours a day.

The cooking gas shortage has almost doubled bread prices to about 150 rupees ($0.75) in some urban areas, N.K. Jayawardena, chairman of the Ceylon Bakery Owners Association, said.

“If this situation lasts for one more week, 90% of bakeries will have to close. Many bakers have taken out loans, they will not be able to repay them,” said Jayawardena, whose association, the largest in the sector in the country, represents some 7,000 members. “The government must find a solution urgently.”

Two government spokesmen could not be immediately reached for comment on the bakeries but ministers have said they are working to normalise fuel distribution.

While bread products are not such a vital staple as rice, nearly every village and town would have at least one bakery supplying breads for curries and snacks to families and workers.

The gas shortage is also hitting small restaurants and households, with dozens of cooking gas retailers forced to suspend business due to lack of supplies.

“Normally we get about 100 gas canisters every two days. Since last Monday we haven’t got any,” cooking gas retail outlet owner Danusha Gunewardene told Reuters. “I had a delivery boy but now he also has no work and no way to make a living.”

A senior official at Laugfs Gas, one of Sri Lanka’s two gas suppliers, said imports were stalled because banks were declining to open letters of credit. The company typically sources about 15,000 tonnes of gas from Qatar and Oman a month worth $50 million.

“We usually issue 40,000-50,000 cylinders to retailers per month but that has now reduced to less than 2,000. Since last Friday no supplies have been released,” the official, asking not to be named because of the sensitivity of the situation.

Spokespeople for Laugfs and the other main supplier, state-owned Litro Gas, declined to comment.

Sri Lanka is due to receive two diesel shipments on Monday and another later this week, which is expected to partly ease the fuel shortage, Energy Ministry Secretary K.D.R Olga said.

“A 30,000 tonne shipment of furnace fuel has also docked and will be offloaded from tomorrow to supply thermal power plants,” Olga said.

($1 = 201.0000 Sri Lankan rupees)

UK calls on SL to engage constructively with recommendations in resolution 46/1

While raising concerns regarding the continued lack of progress on accountability and regret that there have been setbacks in several emblematic human rights cases, the United Kingdom called on the Government of Sri Lanka to engage constructively with the recommendations in resolution 46/1 and to co-operate with your Office.

The UK’s Global Ambassador for Human Rights, Rita French delivering her statement during the Interactive Dialogue on the OHCHR report on Sri Lanka, said they welcomed recent releases on bail of Ahnaf Jazeem and Hejaaz Hizbullah as a positive first step. Whilst we acknowledge initial reforms of the Prevention of Terrorism Act, these do not go far enough.

“Madam High Commissioner, The United Kingdom welcomes your update. We share your concerns regarding the continued lack of progress on accountability and regret that there have been setbacks in several emblematic human rights cases.

We welcome recent releases on bail of Ahnaf Jazeem and Hejaaz Hizbullah as a positive first step. Whilst we acknowledge initial reforms of the Prevention of Terrorism Act, these do not go far enough.

Whilst we acknowledge the NGO Secretariat move to the Foreign Ministry, we have concerns around surveillance and harassment of civil society, and militarisation of civilian governmental functions. The appointment of an individual, named in a key emblematic case, to the post of Provincial Governor, is particularly worrying.

Whilst we acknowledge ongoing work in Government institutions on reparations and missing persons, it is crucial this is accompanied by a comprehensive reconciliation and accountability process.

We note with concern that minority communities are facing increased marginalisation, with allegations of land grabs in the North and East of the country.

We call on the Government of Sri Lanka to engage constructively with the recommendations in resolution 46/1 and to co-operate with your Office,” she said.

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Sri Lanka’s SLFP will form new alliance, but not under former prez CBK: gen secy

Eleven constituent parties of Sri Lanka’s ruling coalition will contest a future election as a new alliance without the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) but it will likely not be under the leadership of former president Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga contrary to some media reports, State Minister Dayasiri Jayasekara said.

The Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) general secretary told EconnomyNext Monday evening that the question of who will lead the alliance is not of concern at present.

“We don’t know who the leader will be. Former President Maithripala Sirisena also [figures in that discussion]. So let’s see what happens,” said Jayasekara.

Asked if the SLFP, a party increasingly at odds with the SLPP, are discussing possibilities with the recently ousted ministers Wimal Weerawansa and Udaya Gammanpila, the state minister simply said the 11 partner parties have come together.

In the event of a snap election, said Jayasekara, the parties will form an alliance and contest together.

“Definitely without the SLPP,” he said.

“There is no need to contest with them again. You know what the situation is now after contesting with them.”

The popularity of Sri Lanka’s ruling coalition, of which Jayasekara’s SLFP is a major partner, has dwindled to an all time low, as the public continues to endure severe hardships in the face of rising cost of living on top of an ongoing energy crisis.

The energy crisis in turn has been caused by a severe forex shortage brought about by excess money printing to keep interest rates low in a pegged exchange rate regime. Queues for essential items including milk powder, fuel, cooking gas, among other things, has eroded the SLPP’s popularity which secured a two-thirds majority at the 2020 parliamentary elections.

The SLFP has been critical of the government from within, though no firm decision has yet been made about quitting the alliance and sitting in the opposition. Other constituent parties in the ruling coalition have also expressed their dissatisfaction with the status quo.

Asked if the party can continue to work with the government in the midst of rising tensions, Jayasekara said: “Let’s see. That’s a decision the party has to make. I can’t make it on my own.”

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Sri Lanka rupee allowed to fall, expects Rs230 to dollar rate: Central Bank

Sri Lanka’s central bank said it is abandoning a 200 to the US dollar peg after printing money though multiple means which were making outflows greater than inflows, creating forex shortages and parallel exchange rates.

The central bank said “greater flexibility in the exchange rate will be allowed to the markets with immediate effect.”

“The Central Bank is also of the view that forex transactions would take place at levels which are not more than Rs. 230 per US dollar.”

The rupee is trading in the kerb market around 249 to the US dollar. Exporters have been selling unofficially around 245 to the US dollar.

It is not clear whether the 230 rate will be controlled or it will be a allowed to free float.

Devaluations are hit or miss affairs, analysts say, unlike a clean float which is followed by a steep rate hike to curb domestic credit which succeeds every time.

The current statement came after a 100bp rate hike, which is still far below inflation of 15.1 percent with the budget deficit also around 10 percent of gross domestic product.

Related

Sri Lanka has to hike rates, tourism recovery will not help end forex crisis: Bellwether

The earlier 200 to the dollar non-credible peg was only partially defended through ‘reserves for imports’ leading to forex shortages.

The central bank has surrender requirements, which can undermined the exchange rate, analysts say.

The central bank has lost reserves after record money printing to keep interest rates artificially low and the ability to defend the currency peg.

The full statement is reproduced below:

Policy package to support greater macroeconomic stability: Allowing flexibility in the exchange rate

Considering the severity of the external shocks and recent developments in the domestic front, the Monetary Board of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka announced a comprehensive policy package on 04 March 2022 with the view to counter such economic headwinds.

The Central Bank also indicated that it will continue to closely monitor the emerging macroeconomic and financial market developments, both globally and domestically, and will stand ready to take further measures as appropriate, with the aim of achieving stability in the fronts of inflation, the external sector, the financial sector, and real economic activity.

In that context, greater flexibility in the exchange rate will be allowed to the markets with immediate effect. The Central Bank is also of the view that forex transactions would take place at levels which are not more than Rs. 230 per US dollar.

The Central Bank will continue to closely monitor the developments in the domestic foreign exchange market and make appropriate policy adjustments accordingly.

Time Tamils looked beyond UNHRC, PTA By N Sathiya Moorthy

Now that the draft of High Commissioner Michelle Bachelet’s mandatory bi-annual report to the UNHRC council is doing the rounds, the Sri Lankan Tamil (SLT) polity should be wondering as to what she meant by describing the government-proposed amendments to the dreaded Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) as an ‘important initial step’. Even otherwise, High Commissioner Bachelet’s report this time does not bark, leave alone bite, possibly indicative of an easy time for the government through the fixe weeks of council discussions and a possible new resolution and vote.

“…we have very serious issues… the militarization, the ethno-religious nationalism, the continued lack of accountability. And you couple that with a pattern of surveillance and harassment of those who try to speak out — civil society organizations, human rights defenders, journalists — and it is a recipe for further human rights violations,” high commissioner’s spokeswoman, Ravina Shamdasani, said. At the same time, she also said that the government had shown some willingness to initiate reforms, but there little to address past human rights violations or redress the harm done to victims. At least, she was not as specific and sharp as the high commissioner’s report was expected to be.

However, High Commissioner Bachelet has said enough in one sentence to provoke the government enough, but without giving any real hope to the victims, which now includes not only the SLT community and their ‘war victims’, but being expanded to include every other allegation of human rights violations in the country. As her office should have anticipated, Foreign Secretary Adm Jayanth Colombage (retd), has promptly declared that the government would not allow the high commissioner’s office to set up an evidence-gathering mechanism in the country. “It is against the UN mandate,’ he asserted, adding that the government could not allow one even otherwise as a domestic mechanism for the purpose was now taking shape.

Dramatic but to no end

All of it should now make the SLT community and polity thinking – as to the uselessness of their current call for international support on multiple fronts, all pertaining to their core ethnic concerns. Already, the TNA has launched a signature campaign for the wholesale withdrawal of the PTA, including the amendments, and party and allied Tamil MPs staged a surprise protest outside the President’s Secretariat, seeking an appointment with incumbent Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Again, to no avail.

It is thus time for the Tamil polity to sit back, look back and then decide the future course. For instance, they need to address the simple question, if the wholesale rescinding of PTA alone would suffice, or they instead needed iron-clad, enforceable guarantees that multiple arms of the Sri Lankan State would not be used to harass them illegally, as has been the case all along.

With the likes of Justice C V Wigneswaran and President’s Counsel M A Sumanthiran among them, the Tamil polity should actually be thinking about such instrumentalities. They can independently assess if they still wanted the PTA to stay or go, as nations across the world are under compulsion to have one of their own, given the existing circumstances and emerging apprehensions. The SLT may get little help and support from the international community for the wholesale deletion of PTA, precisely for this reason – and the latter would be couching their reservations in such pious terms, nothing more.

Delayed, welcome initiative

Then, there is the Sumanthiran initiative to bring together all Opposition parties to take on the government on the economic front. As a concept, it is a delayed yet welcome initiative. As a tactic, the choice of TNA, and through the TNA, Sumanthiran, a post-war Tamil politician, makes sense. Not for the latter reason, but because the TNA as the second largest party in the Opposition after the SJB alone is capable of bringing the party and its estranged and diminished UNP together, to the same table. Of course, the JVP too participated in the first round of what could be described as the all-Opposition talks.

Even those non-Sinhala parties of the Muslim and the Upcountry Tamil stocks have no real political issues viz the TNA, for them to turn down an invitation for such a conclave. Needless to say, they have produced a document for the government to consider – which it would do only in breach, as always. This has been the bane of the nation whichever party is in power.

But then, the TNA too has to realise that despite being around in national politics and international interactions for decades, the Tamil polity does not have a comprehensive idea about regional, national and international economy – which is the real driving force in all three segments. Maybe, a bunch of economists from outside, or an economic council to advise chief minister Wigneswaran when he held the post in the Tamil Northern Province could have turned out things better for the people and the party, the TNA at the time.

It does not stop there. Through the four-plus years of a friendly and eternally-dependent Government of National Unity (GNU), the TNA and the anti-TNA sections of the Tamil polity wasted all time and opportunity to reach out to the Sinhala South, to the last village. Barring a low-profile meeting that TNA boss R Sampanthan had with the Buddhist prelates in Kandy, nothing came of what was otherwise seen as a TNA/Tamil out-reach to the majority community.

Cataclysmic changes

Third and equally important, the TNA and the rest of the Tamil polity may have to look at a future without their past haunting them and the rest of the nation and the rest of the world. It is a reality that they cannot escape from, as a new generation of Tamils born away from the horrors of war won’t be able to relate to the past as their present generation does.

This could mean, new ideas, new concepts and new ideologies may prosper without anyone knowing and acknowledging. The chances are that the present generation is often caught napping at such cataclysmic changes to their beliefs and politics, on the one hand and the passage of time taking with it the tall leaders from their midst, one after another.

Deciding factor

Unlike the Sinhala parties the SLT, Muslim and the Upcountry Tamil polity to a lesser extent has not allowed fresh grass to grow under the foot of the present generation. That’s how the socio-political changes that they are going to face in the next five or ten years is going to be catastrophic to their current faith in the eternity of their past ideology.

They all need only to look around the neighbourhood and elsewhere in the democratic world to know how a new generation throws up a disturbing ideology and methodology, which overshadows the status quo and demolishes the same, oftentimes effortlessly. The JVP, the LTTE and the rest of the Tamil youth militancy from the past are products of such a demographic dynamic that their own older generation did not comprehend enough and in time.

Maybe, it is thus time for the TNA, for instance, to take the initiative not only for bringing together all of the SLT polity, but also attempt to form a forum of all minority interests. There had been occasions in the past decade-plus when Tamil-speaking parliamentarians cutting across ethnic and political divides added up to 50, if not more, in a House of 225. That is saying a lot.

Include the Catholics under Colombo Archbishop Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith now, and you will have over 30 per cent of the nation’s voters. In a good election for the presidency, it translates as the ‘deciding factor’, provided they all stick together, or most of them stick together. And in a good parliament election again, they will decide who will be prime minister.

In turn, they can tell the government to have the kind of Constitution and laws and enforcement that the nation deserves and their own constituencies demand. The PTA would then be passe. Why UNHRC, the government and Parliament nearer home could then be made to act!

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What Made Me Take Part In The Demonstration By Tamil MPs Opposite The President’s Office

C.V. Wigneswaran

The question for this month posed in English to me, is as follows;

Question – At your age and with your background what made you take part in the demonstration by Tamil MPs recently opposite the President’s Office at Galle Face?

Response- The urgency of our request! I organized an International Virtual Conference on Land Grabbing some time ago with International Experts taking part, apart from our own Senior Parliamentarian Hon’ Mr. Sambanthan and others.

A significant statement was made by an International Expert from Israel by name Professor Yiftachel who participated in the Conference. He is a highly cited Israeli Scholar in geography and urban studies. He formulated over two decades ago the theory of ethnocratic regimes. He did research into the nature of land grabbing taking place against Tamils and Muslims in Sri Lanka by the successive majority Sinhala Governments and came to the conclusion that Sri Lanka too like Israel is an ethnocratic regime.

This reference to Sri Lanka as an ethnocratic regime is very significant. The successive Sri Lankan Governments in recent times have all been ethnocratic in their nature and attitude towards the Tamils especially, and against the Muslims in recent times.

An ethnocracy is a type of political structure in which the state apparatus is controlled by a dominant ethnic group to further its interests, power and resources. From the time of Independence the Sinhalese leaders have been plotting and planning against the Tamils to drive them out of the regions they had occupied in Sinhala majority areas during British times and to then take control of areas within the traditional homelands of the Tamils.

There is now sufficient evidence to show the Tamils occupied these traditional homelands for more than 3000 years continuously. In fact the original inhabitants of this Country were Tamils. The original Tamil inhabitants swelled up subsequently with the coming of the Pandyas, Pallavas, Cholas, Cheras and the Arya Chakrawarthy group, all leaving behind Tamil speaking people to add up to the numbers of the original Tamils who occupied the areas now identified as Northern, Eastern and parts of Western, North Central and North Western Provinces. If you look at the old title deeds of many a Sinhala family of those who lived along the coast from Colombo to Puttalam they would be found to be in the Tamil language. When I visited Munneswaram Temple during my childhood, the area was full of Hindu Tamils. Now hardly any noticeable Hindu Tamils live there.

Sri Lankan state-sponsored colonization schemes were the successive Sinhala majority governments’ program of settling mostly persons from the South in the North and the East and elsewhere. Within predominantly Tamil speaking areas, persons from outside the said Provinces were brought and settled. This is taking place since the 1950s. According to International Law principles people of the area of settlement should be given first preference. Not only that. They should reflect the racial demography of the area.

Since irrigation settlements occurred under direct state sponsorship, most of those who were settled in the North and East were ethnic Sinhalese . It was no doubt a deliberate attempt of the Sinhalese-dominated state to marginalize the Tamils further by decreasing their numbers in their own areas. This no doubt was one of the reasons if not perhaps the most immediate cause of inter-communal violence in the early days.

Shortly after independence, the government of Ceylon started a program to settle Sinhalese in the jungles of the Trincomalee District. The forests were cleared and water tanks restored. As a consequence of these schemes the Sinhalese population of the Trincomalee District which was quite low rose to 33% in 1981.In the 1980s the government extended the colonization schemes into the Dry Zone area of the Northern Province, drawing up plans to settle up to 30,000 Sinhalese in the area. Colonization schemes also took place in the areas of Ampara and Batticaloa districts. The Sinhalese population rose in the combined Batticaloa and Amparai Districts to numbers far in excess of the natural projected growth.

The notion of the “traditional Tamil homeland” became a potent component of popular Tamil political agitations while the Sinhalese nationalist groups viewed the resettlement schemes in these areas as “reclamation and recreation in the present of the glorious Sinhalese Buddhist past”. But the Sinhalese were wrongly advised by their Politicians and others about their past.

Tamils were the original inhabitants of this Island. When Buddhism was introduced there were no Sinhalese. It were the Tamils who were converted to Buddhism. All the Buddhist remains now found in the North and East going back to 2000 years are the remnants from the time of the Tamil Buddhists. (Demala Baudhayo as Professor Sunil Ariaratne refers to them). Sinhala language came into being in the 6th and 7th centuries AD. There were no Sinhala speaking people before that. Their first grammar book Sidath Sangaraya came out in the 13th century AD.

The Mahawansa was a fiction written in the Pali language. Atta Katha also was written in Pali though some Sinhalese try to make out that it was written in Sinhalese. In recent times there is an insidious habit among the Sinhalese to translate ancient Tamil names used in the areas in the North East, into Sinhalese and claim those translated names were the original Sinhala names used in Sinhala areas of yore which predated Tamils’ occupation!

Coming back to the Colonisation schemes of the successive Governments the first colonisation scheme was in the Gal Oya Valley in the Batticaloa District in 1952. Tens of thousands of Sinhalese peasants from the Kegalle and Kandy districts were given fertile land in the upstream end of Gal Oya. Gal Oya became later the site of the first major anti-Tamil riot in 1956.

The next colonisation scheme was around the Kanthalai tank where peasants from outside of the Trincomalee District were settled in the then Tamil dominant village of Kanthalai, 39 km south-west of the Trincomalee town. Almost all the settlers were Sinhalese. When I was a child Kantalai was a Tamil speaking area.

Another colonisation scheme was set up at the areas surrounding the Kantalai Tank, 25 km south of Trincomalee town. 65% of settlers were Sinhalese and the rest were Muslims.

A scheme was started at Pathavik Kulam 65 km North-East of Anuradhapura town. The scheme lay in Trincomalee District but was administered by the Sinhalese majority Anuradhapura District. Land Development Department employees from this scheme took part in the 1958 anti-Tamil riots.

In 1961 a colonisation scheme was started at Muthali Kulam, 24 km west of the Trincomalee town. There too Sinhalese were settled.

In the 1980s, funded by aid received from the European Community, a Sinhala colonisation scheme was started at Periya Vilankulam (Mahadiulwewa) tank, 30 km North-West of Trincomalee town.

This colonisation scheme was extended into the Northern Province with the introduction of the Manal Aru (Weli Oya) scheme, which covered the districts of Mullaitivu, Trincomalee, Vavuniya and Anuradhapura. Sinhalese were settled in lands that were formerly populated by ethnic Tamils, given land, money to build homes and security provided by the Special Task Force. Although the scheme covered four districts, administration was handled by the Anuradhapura district, which constituted a Sinhalese majority demography. The Weli Oya scheme aroused much anger amongst the Tamils.[19] This anger boiled over into violence when the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam attacked the Kent and Dollar Farm settlements at Weli Oya.

When the Indian Peace Keeping Forces were withdrawn in 1990, Tamil homes in the suburbs of Trincomalee were occupied by Sinhalese settlers. Tens of thousands of Sinhalese were reported to have been brought in by the advancing government forces and made to occupy local villages and lands, denying resettlement to its original inhabitants who had earlier fled to the jungles due to the murder of Tamil civilians at the hands of the Army.

After May 2009 several settlement programmes were initiated by the government that extended towards the Northern Province. In the Vavuniya district 3000 acres in Madukulam were cleared for a village, while work of a settlement is underway in Othiyamalai Kaadu. A settlement is being created in Rampaveddi bordering a minor tank area and new settlement of approximately 2500 ethnic Sinhala families (about 6000 people) from the South have been settled in the village of Kokkachaankulam and the Hindu temple in the village was demolished and replaced with a Buddhist Stupa. Tamils in Barathypuram in the Kilinochchi District were evicted and a Muslim settlement is being created in the area due to the large economic opportunities provided by an apparels’ factory built there.

Several new settlements are also being built in Mullaitivu District while the Manal Aru (Weli Oya) settlement is being expanded as well. Several fishing colonies are being built in the Mannar district and Muslim settlements have been built in lands previously owned by Tamils that fled to India during the war.

‘Navatkuli Housing Project’ is being built in Navatkuli, Jaffna District to house 135 Sinhalese families, including 54 families who had, in 2010, attempted to set up temporary residences at the Jaffna Railway Station with funding from Buddhist Organizations and Political parties.

Tamils are being ethnically cleansed in the Jaffna peninsula and Mullativu districts, and this was being supplemented with the construction of Buddhist stupas and Sinhalisation of names of streets and places. Over 400 Sinhala families were reported to have been settled in Nelukkulam in Mullativu district recently .The Tamil populace had been reduced to a fourth, based on Government figures. Tamil locals also complained of the State waging an accelerated campaign of Sinhala Buddhist colonisation by destroying historic Hindu shrines in the East.

Another incident of State colonization before the Final Eelam War was reported by Muslim residents of the Pulmoddai village in the Trincomalee District who claimed that several acres of their traditional land had been annexed by the Government for settlements from South on the pretext of industrial development.

The settlements are made easy to the Government due to the large presence of its Military who hold 65000 acres of State Land apart from the private lands held.

Now to answer your question. My age and background need not be barriers when the Traditional Homelands of the Tamils of this Country are being misappropriated under several guises through several Government Departments like the Mahaweli Authority, Forest Department, Wild Life Department and the Archaeology Department. The recent One Country One Law project seems to be a deliberate attempt to erase our identity and individuality. The chances are the Government is trying to bring in a new Constitution sans Federalism, sans Thirteenth amendment, sans Indian intervention through the Indo Sri Lankan Agreement and restrict unit of Local Authority to Districts instead of Provinces under a centralized Unitary constitution.

Why do you expect me to think of my background, age and the inconvenience of sitting on the roadside at the Galle Face, when the entire Sri Lankan Tamil population are facing slow extinction at the hands of the Sri Lankan Government?

GL attends bilateral meetings on the sidelines of UNHRC sessions

Minister of Foreign Affairs Prof. G.L. Peiris and the Sri Lanka delegation had high level bilateral meetings on 28 February with the United Kingdom, the Commonwealth Secretariat, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and the World Intellectual Property Organisation (WIPO) on the side lines of the High-Level Segment of the 49th session of the Human Rights Council which commenced 28 February.

During his meeting with Minister of State of the United Kingdom for South and Central Asia, UN and the Commonwealth Lord Tariq Ahmed, the Minister of Foreign Affairs discussed bilateral cooperation and progress achieved by Sri Lanka in advancing reconciliation as well as the Government’s comprehensive efforts at fostering unity and harmony. The Minister emphasised the need for understanding and recognition of Sri Lanka’s efforts.

At the Meeting with Secretary General of the Commonwealth Baroness Patricia Scotland, the Minister discussed avenues of furthering Sri Lanka’s cooperation with the Commonwealth including on the economic front, tourism and opportunities for youth such as vocational training. The Commonwealth Secretary General commended Sri Lanka’s lead role on the Blue Economy and requested enhanced engagement in this area.The Minister and the delegation also had a constructive meeting with Permanent Observer of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation in Geneva Ambassador Nassima Baghli, where Sri Lanka’s longstanding friendly relations with members of the OIC, the multi-ethnic and multi-religious nature of the Sri Lankan society, the significant contribution from its Muslim community and matters relating to advancing their interests, were discussed.

The Minister also had a productive meeting with Director General of WIPO Daren Tang and exchanged ideas on further advancing technical cooperation in intellectual property in the areas of policy development, digitisation, geographical indications and empowerment of youth in the use of IP for research and development.

The Minister was accompanied by Minister of Justice Ali Sabry, State Minister of Production, Supply and Regulation of Pharmaceuticals Channa Jayasumana, Secretary to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Admiral Prof. Jayanath Colombage, Additional Solicitor General Nerin Pulle and Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka to the UN in Geneva C.A. Chandraprema.

Basil plans to meet IMF/WB officials before the Spring Meetings

Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa is scheduled to leave for the United States in the second week of April to commence the Balance of Payments (BoP) discussions with top officials of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank (WB) and US Treasury officials, as exclusively reported by Ceylon FT on 23 February.

A top Finance Ministry official told Ceylon FT, the Lankan delegation is scheduled to leave on 10 or 11 April for this high-level meeting before the Spring Meetings of the WB Group and the IMF scheduled for 22 to 24 April in Washington DC.

Sources revealed, the Sri Lankan Ambassador to Washington Mahinda Samarasinghe is making the necessary arrangements to fix the dates and times for the said meetings. However, independent economic commentators say that there are number of issues that need to be addressed before embarking on any BoP support programme with the IMF. They emphasise the urgent need to understand the parameters within which the existing unmanageable External Debt Stock could be restructured.

According to the IMF Debt Sustainability Analysts (DSA), SL’s Debt dynamics are in a very critical stage. Therefore, it cannot seek IMF support without introducing a viable Debt Restructuring mechanism.

Based on the recently concluded Article IV Consultation team of DSA, SL has a high risk of debt distress, with debt burden indicators well above the relevant thresholds in the baseline and all the stress scenarios. Accordingly, international tenders should be called for internationally recognised consultants/managers to implement this Debt Restructuring programme.

Thus, the world’s leading debt restructuring specialists, Rothschild and Co and Lazard Ltd have already focused their attention on SL.

According to sources familiar with the subject, they have recently met government officials and discussed potential plans to help the nation raise funds, including asset sales and securitised debt facilities.

Thereafter, the Debt Restructuring programme would take the course of implementation with the technical assistance of the IMF, usually a timeline of about six months before its actual implementation based on a binding agreement with the IMF for the BoP assistance programme. Accordingly, the Government would have to focus on ‘bridging finance options’ to meet the dollar demand during this transit period.

SL is eligible for IMF support under the four-year Extended Fund Facility (EFF), possibly about US$ 2 billion at an interest rate of less than 2 per cent.

An IMF programme would assist in Debt Restructuring under the Paris Club and secure new facilities from the World Bank and enable re-entry into global capital markets.

There is a reasonable probability of achieving debt sustainability, removing import controls without facing a costly restructuring of commercial loans, economists said.