The Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) says that the government must justify the institutional necessity behind its proposed constitutional amendment to extend judges’ retirement age before any further action is taken.

The seven-point resolution, unanimously passed at BASL’s Special General Meeting on Wednesday (29), sets out the Association’s formal position on changes that would affect the tenure of sitting judges, including those of the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal.

Rather than extending judicial tenure, the BASL noted that the government should first focus on filling existing judicial vacancies through the standard constitutional appointment process.

The BASL urged the implementation of measures already outlined in the Justice Sector Assessment and Strategic Action Plan, including steps to reduce case backlogs, strengthen institutional capacity, modernise court infrastructure and widen access to justice.

On the specific proposal to raise the retirement age, the BASL insisted that it must not proceed without transparent, evidence-based justification, genuine consultation with stakeholders and a full assessment of its constitutional consequences.

It said that any review of judicial retirement ages should only be considered within the context of a comprehensive constitutional and judicial reform process, one that follows extensive public consultation and independent expert evaluation.

It also reaffirmed its resolve to defend judicial independence, the separation of powers, the rule of law and constitutional governance, authorising its office-bearers to pursue all lawful measures, both within Sri Lanka and abroad, to protect these principles.

The BASL’s final resolution appealed directly to the President, the government and Members of Parliament to withhold any constitutional amendment affecting judges’ tenure unless it is demonstrably necessary, transparently developed, widely consulted upon and consistent with the country’s constitutional traditions and international commitments on judicial independence.

Uma Kumaran, the Labour MP for Stratford and Bow and the first person of Eelam Tamil heritage elected to the British parliament, has been appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State in the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, becoming the first British Tamil to hold ministerial office.

The appointment was confirmed on Wednesday evening as the new prime minister, Andy Burnham, set out his ministerial team. Kumaran will also serve as an Assistant Whip. The Foreign Office is the department responsible for British foreign policy, including its position at the United Nations.

Announcing the appointment, Kumaran said:

“Honoured to be appointed as Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State in the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. At a volatile time globally, Britain’s voice and international leadership matters. Looking forward to serving our great country in @FCDOGovUK”

She added that the news was:

“Particularly meaningful to share this news today as the first ever Minister of British Tamil heritage. Britain gave my both parents sanctuary, a chance to rebuild their lives and to flourish. An honour to serve King and Country at the FCDO”

From the backbenches to the department

Kumaran has pressed the Foreign Office on Sri Lanka since her election, tabling written questions asking what steps the department was taking to ensure that excavations at the Chemmani mass graves comply with international law and standards, how it was working to uphold the human rights of Tamils on the island, and whether it was acting to ensure that those responsible for human rights violations against Tamils are brought to justice.

She now takes office as the Chemmani excavation has become the largest mass grave investigation in the island’s history, with 471 sets of human remains identified to date, among them the remains of infants and children, and as families of the disappeared continue to demand an international investigation, having this week told a visiting European Union delegation that they would never accept domestic accountability mechanisms.

‘Their story is part of Britain’s story’

Kumaran was born in east London to Eelam Tamil parents who fled anti-Tamil pogroms in the early 1980s and were granted refuge in Britain, and was raised in Harrow. She studied at Queen Mary University of London and worked in the NHS, as a parliamentary researcher and caseworker, and as Director of Diplomatic and International Relations for the C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group, before serving as Deputy Director of Parliamentary Affairs to the then Labour leader, Keir Starmer.

She was elected in July 2024 as the first MP for the newly created constituency of Stratford and Bow, with a majority of 11,634.

Speaking to the Tamil Guardian before her election, Kumaran said Tamils had taken their voices to parliament many times, calling for justice and lobbying MPs, but had never had a voice on the green benches, and that it was her ambition to change that

A high-level American Congressional delegation is currently visiting Sri Lanka to reinforce ties between Washington and Colombo, with a special focus on security cooperation and regional stability in the Indo-Pacific.

The delegation, led by Congresswoman Chrissy Houlahan of Pennsylvania, arrived in the country on 27 July and is scheduled to remain until 30 July, holding a series of high-level meetings in Colombo with senior government, military and political figures.

Houlahan, a veteran of the US Air Force, serves on the House Armed Services Committee as Ranking Member of the Subcommittee on Military Personnel, and is also a member of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence.

Her visit forms part of a broader American effort to deepen the bilateral relationship with Sri Lanka, with officials indicating that the trip is aimed at addressing shared concerns including transnational crime, economic development and commercial ties between the two countries.

During the visit, the delegation is due to meet several senior Sri Lankan figures, including Deputy Minister of Defence Major General (Retd.) Aruna Jayasekara, Deputy Speaker of Parliament Dr. Rizvie Salih and Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa.

These discussions are expected to cover a wide range of bilateral issues, with particular emphasis placed on regional security cooperation and efforts to promote stability across the Indo-Pacific.

Former State Intelligence Service Chief Suresh Sallay’s writ petition challenging his arrest and detention under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) in connection with investigations into the Easter Sunday terror attacks was fixed for further consideration on August 25 by the Court of Appeal today (28).

The petition was taken up before a bench comprising Court of Appeal President Justice Rohantha Abeysuriya and Justice Priyantha Fernando.

The bench directed that the petition be recalled on August 25 for further confirmation of facts, with additional submissions on the matter expected to be presented on that date.

S&P Global Ratings has affirmed Sri Lanka’s long- and short-term sovereign credit ratings at ‘CCC+/C’, while maintaining a stable outlook, citing continued economic recovery, strong revenue growth and improvements in fiscal management.

The ratings agency said Sri Lanka’s economy has remained resilient despite multiple external challenges, with increased government revenue helping to support fiscal consolidation and reduce debt servicing pressures.

However, S&P warned that the country’s external position could come under pressure this year due to a higher import bill and possible impacts from the Middle East conflict on tourism earnings and worker remittances.

The stable outlook reflects S&P’s expectation that Sri Lanka’s economic growth and fiscal recovery will continue over the next six to 12 months, although external risks remain significant.

“Sri Lanka’s creditworthiness remains vulnerable and dependent on favourable financial and economic conditions, but the government does not face an immediate risk of a debt or payment crisis,” the agency said.

S&P noted that Sri Lanka’s economic recovery has been stronger than expected, with real GDP growing 4.8% in the fourth quarter of 2025 and 5.1% in the first quarter of 2026.

The agency expects economic growth to slow to 3.8% in 2026 due to higher energy costs and external pressures before recovering to 4.2% in 2027 as global energy conditions improve.

S&P highlighted that government revenue increased significantly, supported by tax reforms and economic recovery. Revenue rose by 34% in 2025 to 16.7% of GDP, while the fiscal deficit narrowed to 2.3% of GDP.

Revenue growth continued in the first five months of 2026, increasing by 30% compared to the same period last year, the agency said.

However, S&P cautioned that Sri Lanka’s external position has weakened due to rising imports, currency pressures and uncertainty over tourism and remittance inflows.

The ratings agency said the Middle East conflict could affect Sri Lanka through higher energy prices, reduced tourism earnings and slower remittance growth, as the region accounts for a significant share of foreign worker remittances.

It also warned that a stronger El Niño event in 2026 and 2027 could pose risks to agriculture, electricity generation and overall economic activity.

S&P said Sri Lanka’s continued commitment to reforms under the International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme, including improving government revenue, cost recovery in utilities and strengthening public financial management, would remain important for further economic improvement.

The agency said it could upgrade Sri Lanka’s ratings if stronger economic growth leads to further improvements in fiscal and external positions. However, the ratings could be downgraded if renewed funding pressures or a significant deterioration in economic conditions emerge.

Business establishments, factories and movie theatres run by Tamils were torched, sometimes while the occupants were in them (Courtesy The Guardian UK)

The hate instilled in the minds of Tamil youth by the week-long anti Tamil pogrom provided thousands of recruits for the Tamil armed groups

Exactly 43 years ago, on July 23 1983, a single violent incident in Jaffna shifted the course of Sri Lankan history by a wide angle. It accelerated an armed conflict in the north of the country that was then marked by random, isolated incidents into a full-blown war which became one of the longest armed conflicts in the world.

It also triggered a fresh armed conflict in the south which within two years claimed over 60,000 lives, mainly innocent people. The brutality of the armed forces and vigilante groups created by the same forces during that conflict could be assessed by comparing its death toll with that of the former which ran into just over a hundred thousand within three decades.

Both bloodbaths could have been averted had those power-hungry politicians in power then acted prudently and farsightedly. In fact, it was the government that created the southern conflict – one between the armed forces assisted by vigilante groups, and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) which had by then renounced violence after their failed insurrection in 1971 to enter into democratic politics.

Thirteen soldiers were killed in Jaffna on July 23, 1983 in a land mine blast followed by gunfire by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), the most ruthless among half a dozen Tamil armed groups then active in the Northern and Eastern Provinces who were fighting to carve out a separate state for Tamils, within the territory of Sri Lanka.

The southern populace – who were till then used only to news of isolated attacks by Tamil groups that killed one or two police officers or soldiers — was shell-shocked with the number of soldiers killed, though they became accustomed in the years which followed to hearing news of the demise of Presidents, ministers and commanders of the armed forces, apart from thousands of soldiers. The LTTE killed over 1200 army personnel within two days in 1996 while overrunning the Mullaitivu army camp and between 1500 security forces personnel were killed when the Tamil Tigers overran the Elephant Pass military complex in 2000.

However, with the bodies of the 13 soldiers being brought to Colombo for their funeral on July 24, 1983 hundreds of thousands of people thronged the Capital with emotions spilling over. Something happened somewhere initially which triggered a huge backlash against the Tamils in the city.

Thousands of houses and vehicles occupied by Tamils and business establishments, factories and movie theatres run by Tamils were torched, sometimes while the occupants were in them. The news flew across the country where similar riots against Tamils broke out, except in the Northern and Eastern Provinces.

The complicity of the ruling United National Party (UNP) was apparent by the inaction on the part of the security forces personnel deployed in the streets. Not a single shot was heard to have been fired or tear gas was used to quell the mobs. 53 Tamil detainees in the Welikada prison were killed in two separate days allegedly by the outsiders and fellow detainees, without any reported resistance from the prison guards or the security forces personnel.

Indian Foreign Minister Narasimha Rao was in Colombo and Kandy to see the carnage which was ongoing for a week. President J.R. Jayewardene who was unheard of for the first four days of arson attacks, killings and looting addressed the nation on July 27 but only to criticise the Tamil leaders for their demand for separate Tamil state and not to warn the rioters. Next day, attacks and looting intensified. Not a single hooligan was prosecuted.

Narasimha Rao presented in Indian parliament a report on his observations in Sri Lanka, especially on the pathetic situation of people of Indian origin which was highly damaging to Sri Lanka. Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who was already not happy with President Jayewardene’s pro-Western policies, used this report as well as the large influx of Tamil refugees who crossed the Palk Strait to escape death and destruction for India’s geo-political ends.

She armed, trained and funded about four Tamil armed groups including the LTTE and forced the Sri Lankan government to accept a power devolution scheme which was brought to the island by senior officials of Indian External Affairs Ministry like G. Parthasarathy and Romesh Bandari. It culminated in the ‘Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord’ imposed on Sri Lanka by India in 1987, introducing provincial council system.

The hate instilled in the minds of Tamil youth by the week-long anti Tamil pogrom provided thousands of recruits for the Tamil armed groups while the widespread sympathy for Sri Lankan Tamils around the world helped Tamil leaders, such as Appapillai Amirthalingam, who was then the Opposition Leader, cultivate diplomatic backing for the Tamil separatist struggle. The rest is history.

On the other hand, the Jayewardene government used the riots in 1983 to proscribe the JVP and two other leftist parties falsely accusing them of backing the riots. In fact, the JVP, which was then growing rapidly, was the real target. It was widely believed that President Jayewardene wanted to eliminate the JVP from the political arena due to the legal challenge of its leader, Rohana Wijeweera against the results of the referendum that was held in December 22, 1982, to extend the term of the Parliament that was elected in 1977, till August 1989.

The ban on other two parties was lifted soon when it was seen a mockery of justice while the JVP remained proscribed on various flimsy grounds. The JVP took various legal as well as political actions through its trade unions and other friendly entities and persons to get the proscription imposed on it done away with. After being pushed to the wall after three years, during which time its cadres and leaders were increasingly arrested and killed, the party sought protection through a desperate decision to arm itself and face a military that was battle hardened, well- experienced and armed with sophisticated modern weaponry.

However, the JVP was forced to confront what had become inevitable. Its entire politburo, except for one member, Somawansa Amarasinghe, was eliminated. Rohana Wijeweera was killed while in custody of the army. Thousands of JVP members were killed or disappeared or escaped to other countries while thousands more were incarcerated. Politics of other parties and personal animosities of various people played their role, wiping out thousands more, mostly innocent youth, from the surface of the earth. The number of total fatalities is said to be over 60,000. Yet, people still call it the ‘JVP Bheeshanya,’ thanks to the power of pro-establishment media over the year.