Mihintale Raja Maha Viharaya Chief Incumbent, the outspoken Ven.Walaha henguna wewa Dhammarathana Thera, a few weeks ago said, young monks in universities behave like Taliban terrorists. He further said they can engage in politics, but not in a way that harms others. He who continued saying, ‘the actions of a few monks create a bad impression in the public minds and reflect severely on the entire Sanghasasana’, was seen leading a fierce Bikkhu demonstration,[that included V-8 class academics] obstructing traffic and, harming road users and confronting senior police officers on duty.
On 9th April 1958, a group of about 200 members of ‘Mahasangha’, led by BaddegamaWimalawanse Anunayake Thera, the chief of Vidyodaya Pirivena, Maligakanda, staged a peaceful protest on the lawn of ‘Tintagel’ the Prime Minister Bandaranaike’s Rosemead Place residence. They demanded that the Prime Minister abrogate the agreement he signed with Northern Tamil leader SJV Chelvanayakam MP-QC. This was the earliest instance where well-meaning endeavours to resolve power-sharing problems, which started off with a positive note, but ended tragically with a moan. A sad but significant instance of past disappointment is the destiny of the highly applauded pact signed by Bandaranaike and the leader of the SJV Chelvanayakam. Regrettably, it was confined to the dustbin of history. Speaking on it Bandaranaike, who blundered by creating communal disharmony through his election slogan, “Sinhala only in 24 hours” said, “In the discussion which the leaders of the Federal Party had with me, an honourable solution was reached. In thinking over this problem I had in mind the fact that I am not merely a Prime Minister but a Buddhist Prime Minister.”
Strangely 100 years ago, the attitudes towards federalism were different. Some Sinhalese supported federalism, while some Tamils were against it. The Sinhalese campaigned for federalism before independence while Tamils claimed federalism after independence, changed in response to the ‘Sinhala governments’ ethno religious policies
Federalism is defined as a political system where power is shared between central and state governments. Sinhalese view federalism as a forerunner to separatism. Most Tamils view it as a means of achieving autonomy. Strangely 100 years ago, the attitudes towards federalism were different. Some Sinhalese supported federalism, while some Tamils were against it. The Sinhalese campaigned for federalism before independence while Tamils claimed federalism after independence, changed in response to the ‘Sinhala governments’ ethno religious policies.
Two advocates of federalism emerged in the 1920s. The Kandyans appearing before Donoughmore demanded it should be divided into three self-governing states, under a central federal government. Second, in 1926; Bandaranaike backed the idea of federalism publishing six articles in the Ceylon Morning Leader. However, both the Donoughmore and Soulberry Commissions recommended a unitary constitution for the country.
The FP and the ACTC jointly formed the TULF and in 1976, the party assumed the ‘Vaddukoddai Resolution’, calling for the creation of Tamil Eelam’. In 1983, all TULF MPs sacrificed their parliament seats having declined to abandon the call for a separate state as forced through the Sixth Amendment by JRJ. LTTE arose as a strong and brutal group resorting to terrorist tactics in fighting for Eelam till their defeat in 2009.
The first meeting between a Tamil delegation comprising Chelvanayakam, Dr E. M. V.Naganathan, and V. Navaratnam, met a government delegation led by Prime Minister, Stanley de Zoysa and two others took place at PM’s ancestral mansion at Horagolla, followed by a second at his residence in Rosemead Place, and a final third was held at the Senate building in July 1957.The B-C Pact was an agreement signed between Bandaranaike and the leader of the main Tamil political party Chelvanayakam on 26th July 1957. It promoted the creation of regional councils as a means to granting a certain level of autonomy to the Tamils and was envisioned to solve the disparities that were occurring at the time. The United National Party strongly opposed the B- C pact saying it will destroy the Sinhala-Buddhist nation, in fact, JR Jayewardene led a march against the pact from Colombo to Kandy on October 3, 1957.
‘Bandaranaike continued his labors to persuade the people that it was the finest solution to the communal issues by equating the pact to the Buddhist doctrine of the middle path. The pact was strongly opposed by sections of the “Sinhala-Buddhist” and was ultimately abrogated by a spineless Prime Minister in April 1958. The tearing up of a copy of the pact in a token gesture in front of the “Maha Sangha” (Buddhist clergy) led to tensions between the two communities, causing a sequence of outbreaks of bloody ethnic violence which eventually paved the way to the 30-year Civil War that accounted for 80,000 human lives. The ‘Maha Sangha’ was not pleased and they insisted that he give them a written assurance that the pact would be abrogated. Sinhala was made the sole official language of the country on June 15, 1956, by a parliament vote of 56 to 29 with the main opposition UNP voting with the government and only the Marxist LSSP, CP, and Tamil parties against the injustice caused to a section of population.
Anti-Tamil violence erupted in several parts of the country. Growing communal violence was heading for a bloodbath. S.W.R.D comprehended that the situation had to be controlled and checked. He agreed that the Tamils had genuine grievances that need to be rectified. The B-C pact was an excellent chance to resolve the problem at its initial stages.
‘Senanayake––Chelvanayakam Pact of 1965’
Dudley, back in politics, won parliamentary elections in 1965. He in search of a lasting solution to Ethnic and Minority issues signed the ‘Dudley––Chelvanayakam Pact’ on March 24, 1965. Political analysts agreed this as a major progressive step towards a unitary and stable Sri Lanka.
Excerpts from the Text of the Pact….
Tamil Language Special Provisions Act to make provision of the Tamil Language of Administration and of Record in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. To amend the Languages of Courts Act to provide for legal proceedings in the Northern and Eastern Provinces to be conducted and recorded in Tamil. To establish District Councils in Ceylon vested with powers over subjects to be mutually agreed upon between two leaders. The government should have power under the law to give directions to such councils under the national interest. The Land Development Ordinance will be amended to provide that citizens of Ceylon be entitled to the allotment of land under the Ordinance.
The main opposition SLFP under Sirimavo, and strangely, the Marxists LSSP and CP joined hands in a massive protest on Jan 8, 1966 [police opened fire killing a monk] against the pact with the blessings of the ‘Maha Sangha’ leading to abrogation of the pact yet it never saw the light of the day plunging the whole country into absolute darkness.
The third attempt by GL Pieris-Thuiruchelvam in 1999 under Chandrika faced the same fate when the Ranil-led UNP Opposition not only tore it, but set fire to it inside the chamber. Both Mahinda Rajapaksa and Maithripala Sirisena promised to fully implement the 13A. After a lapse of 23 years, Ranil himself is trying to implement all the clauses in the 1987-13th amendment supported vaguely by SLPP, SJB, and NPP [pleading for vote], and being opposed only by the Mahasangha and a few Pseudo-patriots parliamentarians, [35 former acolytes of the Rajapaksas]. Provisions, relating to Law and Order, as stated in Appendix1 of List 1 of the 13th Amendment, were introduced in 1987.
While a good portion of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution has been applied, with regard to two matters – the devolution of police and land powers remains pending for 36 years. Provincial Councils List Appendix I in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution offers the devolution of police. Section 6 of Appendix 1, says, the Inspector General shall assign a DIG for each of the nine Provinces with the consensus of the CM of the Province. Section 11 stipulates that Officers, serving in any Province, shall work under the direction of the provincial DIG who will ‘be responsible to the CM in respect of the exercise of police powers.
Prime Minister Bandaranaike, who once said, that “knotty problems of State had been successfully tackled by invoking the principles and tenets of Buddhism. ‘The Middle Path’, has been my magic wand and I shall always stick by this principle.” However, at 4.15 pm on April 9, 1958, Bandaranaike succumbed to pressures by ‘Mahasangha’, and the Pact was torn into shreds claiming that its implementation had been rendered impossible.
“That foolish man wearing robes shot me”- SWRD Bandaranaike
On 25th September 1959, Somarama was seated on the verandah at Tintagel. The PM first spoke with another monk and moved toward Somarama when gunshots were heard.
Somarama, on April 6, 1961, made a statement to the Chief Magistrate of Colombo, “… Buddharakkitha reassured… that I had nothing to fear. I acceded to their request; I was consenting to kill him … only for the sake of my country, my religion, and my race. That morning, I drank a mixture that I had prepared myself and went to ‘Tintagel’.
“That foolish man wearing robes shot me”-SWRD Bandaranaike’s deathbed address to the nation.
President Wickremesinghe opening the parliament on Wednesday said he will fully implement 13A which was certified on November 14, 1987, giving more autonomy to provinces in an effort to solve the ethnic conflict. Will Wickremasinghe stick by his principle?