Moody’s downgrades Sri Lanka sovereign rating to Ca

Moody’s Investors Service (“Moody’s”) has today downgraded the Government of Sri Lanka’s long-term foreign currency issuer and senior unsecured debt ratings to Ca from Caa2. The outlook is stable.

The decision to downgrade the ratings is driven by the authorities’ announcement of debt servicing suspension [1] on external public debt repayments, which will lead to a series of defaults with the first coupon payments for the government’s international bonds coming due today, 18 April 2022.

Given the low level of foreign exchange reserves, compounded by the rise in balance of payment pressures with higher fuel and food prices and the slow recovery in tourism and foreign direct investment inflows, Moody’s assesses that private sector creditor losses stemming from the eventual debt restructuring is likely to be material and exceed the limited levels of loss consistent with the previous Caa2 rating.

This assessment further reflects governance weaknesses in the ability of the country’s institutions to take measures that decisively address the very low adequacy of foreign exchange reserves and very weak debt affordability, thereby contributing to loss given default, at least in line with precedents by other defaulting sovereigns.

Although credit pressures remain significant, the stable outlook reflects Moody’s view that the scale of losses that private sector creditors would face in a debt restructuring would likely be consistent with levels associated with the Ca rating.

A status quo scenario without the implementation of fiscal reforms and presence of a large external financing envelope may result in deeper losses than implied by the Ca rating.

However, the government is seeking financial support from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which would likely be accompanied by reforms and a gradual recovery of foreign investor confidence. A quicker recovery of foreign exchange inflows, including non-debt generating flows, would in turn limit losses to private sector creditors.

Sri Lanka’s local and foreign currency country ceiling have been lowered to Caa1 and Ca from B2 and Caa2, respectively. The three-notch gap between the local currency ceiling and the sovereign rating balances a contained government footprint, against the very low foreign exchange reserves adequacy that raises macroeconomic risks as well as the challenging domestic political environment that weighs on policymaking.

The three-notch gap between the foreign currency ceiling and local currency ceiling takes into consideration the high level of external indebtedness and the risk of transfer and convertibility restrictions being imposed given low foreign exchange reserves adequacy, with some capital flow management measures already imposed.

RATINGS RATIONALE

RATIONALE FOR DOWNGRADING THE RATINGS TO Ca

The announcement of the interim policy to suspend the servicing of external public debt after 5pm Colombo time on 12 April 2022 will lead to a series of default on Sri Lanka’s international bonds with coupon payments due as soon as today. The default is unlikely to be cured during the grace period, given the stated intent of the authorities to undertake comprehensive external public debt restructuring in coordination with a potential IMF programme, for which an agreement will take time.

While the manner of the debt restructuring and extent of losses for private sector creditors are yet to be determined, Moody’s assesses that the losses are likely to exceed levels consistent with the previous Caa2 rating because of Sri Lanka’s very low foreign exchange reserves adequacy and significant debt sustainability challenges. A Ca rating is consistent with losses between 35% and 65%, in line with – a relatively wide range of – precedents by defaulting sovereigns.

Sri Lanka’s foreign exchange reserves adequacy has continued to decline despite continued financing support from bilateral development partners including India and China. Foreign exchange reserves excluding gold and special drawing rights stood at $1.7 billion at the end of March 2022, sufficient to cover only around 1 month of imports, with the Central Bank of Sri Lanka having fully drawn down its $1.5 billion swap with the People’s Bank of China. This compares to foreign exchange reserves of $2.1 billion as of the end of September 2021 and with the swap still a backup facility.

Higher global energy and food prices will intensify the external challenge by increasing Sri Lanka’s import bill and need for external financing for the wider economy. The country’s current account deficit widened to 3.9% of GDP in 2021 from 1.5% in 2020, and Moody’s expects the deficit to widen further to an average of 6-7% in 2022-23, with the larger deficit in dollar terms magnified by a decline in nominal GDP due to currency depreciation.

Until a large external financing envelope becomes available, Moody’s expects foreign exchange inflows into Sri Lanka to remain subdued. The tourism recovery had been hampered by the emergence of the omicron variant of the coronavirus when Sri Lanka’s international borders reopened, while lengthy power cuts and food shortages amid import restrictions to preserve foreign exchange, coupled with street protests, are likely to deter tourists.

Tourist arrivals from January to March 2022 were only around a third of the pre-pandemic level over the corresponding period in 2019. Likewise, the same factors deterring tourists are also likely to weigh on foreign investor confidence and foreign direct investment. Both tourism and foreign direct investment were key parts of the authorities’ strategy to shore up foreign exchange reserves.

The authorities have recently approached the IMF for financial support, which may unlock further external funding from multilateral development partners and lead to a credible and secure external financing envelope. However, an agreement will take time, and Moody’s believes that private sector creditors of Sri Lanka’s external commercial debt are nonetheless likely to incur losses that exceed the limited loss levels consistent with the previous Caa2 rating.

Besides the very low adequacy of foreign exchange reserves, Sri Lanka faces significant debt sustainability challenges. Its debt burden is high and rising because of its narrow government revenue base and wide fiscal deficits, while debt affordability is weakest across sovereigns that Moody’s rates, by some distance. Moody’s estimates that the government’s debt burden was 104% of GDP as of the end of 2021 and interest payments absorbed more than 70% of revenue, with revenue amounting to less than 9% of GDP.

RATIONALE FOR THE STABLE OUTLOOK

The stable outlook reflects Moody’s view that private sector creditor losses in the eventual debt restructuring will likely be consistent with levels associated with the Ca rating.

On the downside, extensive delays to the implementation of fiscal adjustments and reforms, and the inability to secure a large, credible and secure external financing envelope from multilateral development partners may result in even larger losses than implied by the Ca rating. In a status quo scenario, Moody’s projects that Sri Lanka’s debt burden would rise to more than 125% of GDP by the end of 2022, in part exacerbated by the depreciation of the Sri Lankan rupee this year, while interest payments will continue to absorb around 70% of revenue even with the suspension of external public debt servicing, since domestic debt accounts for around 70% of interest payments.

On the upside, any agreement with multilateral development partners that unlocks significant external financing may gradually restore foreign investor confidence and crowd in private sector investment. Combined with Sri Lanka’s tourism potential, a rapid recovery of foreign exchange inflows may limit the losses to private sector creditors.

ENVIRONMENTAL, SOCIAL, GOVERNANCE CONSIDERATIONS

Sri Lanka’s ESG Credit Impact Score is very highly negative (CIS-5), reflecting its very weak governance that significantly constrains the government’s capacity to address its highly negative exposure to environmental and social risks.

The exposure to environment risk is highly negative (E-4 issuer profile score). Variations in the seasonal monsoon can have marked effects on rural household incomes and real GDP growth: while the agricultural sector comprises only around 8% of the total economy, it employs almost 30% of Sri Lanka’s total labour force.

Natural disasters including droughts, flash floods and tropical cyclones that the country is exposed to also contribute to higher food inflation and import demand. Moreover, ongoing development projects to improve urban connectivity have increased the rate of deforestation, although the country continues to engage development partners to preserve its natural capital, such as its mangroves.

The exposure to social risk is highly negative (S-4 issuer profile score). Balanced against Sri Lanka’s relatively good access to basic education, which has continued to improve throughout the country in the post-civil war period, are weaknesses in the provision of some basic services in more remote and rural areas, such as water, sanitation and housing.

As the country’s population continues to grow, the government will face greater constraints in delivering high-quality social services and developing critical infrastructure amid ongoing fiscal pressures.

The influence of governance is very highly negative (G-5 issuer profile score). While international surveys point to stronger governance in Sri Lanka relative to rating peers, including in judicial independence and control of corruption, persistent delays to the implementation of credit-positive reforms indicate significant institutional challenges. These challenges have resulted in the crystallisation of external vulnerability and government liquidity risks and the sovereign’s debt default. Domestic political developments also tend to weigh on fiscal and economic policymaking.

GDP per capita (PPP basis, US$): 14,123 (2021 Estimate) (also known as Per Capita Income)
Real GDP growth (% change): 3.7% (2021 Estimate) (also known as GDP Growth)
Inflation Rate (CPI, % change Dec/Dec): 14.0% (2021 Estimate)
Gen. Gov. Financial Balance/GDP: -11.3% (2021 Estimate) (also known as Fiscal Balance)
Current Account Balance/GDP: -3.9% (2021 Estimate) (also known as External Balance)
External debt/GDP: 60.0% (2021 Estimate)
Economic resiliency: b1

Default history: No default events (on bonds or loans) have been recorded since 1983.
On 13 April 2022, a rating committee was called to discuss the rating of the Sri Lanka, Government of.

The main points raised during the discussion were: The issuer’s economic fundamentals, including its economic strength, have materially decreased. The issuer’s institutions and governance strength has materially decreased. The issuer’s fiscal or financial strength, including its debt profile, has not materially changed. The issuer has become more susceptible to event risks.

FACTORS THAT COULD LEAD TO AN UPGRADE OR DOWNGRADE OF THE RATINGS

Sri Lanka’s credit fundamentals will likely remain very weak for the foreseeable future. Prospects of smaller losses for private sector creditors than currently implied by the Ca rating as part of the government’s eventual debt restructuring would likely lead to a higher rating.
Conversely, the rating would be downgraded if losses for private sector creditors were likely to exceed levels associated with the Ca rating, as part of the government’s debt restructuring plan.

USD selling rate jumps to Rs. 340 at several banks

Several licensed commercial banks in Sri Lanka have declared their selling rate of US dollar at Rs. 340 today (April 18).

The selling rate of US dollar per Sri Lankan Rupee according to the daily exchange rates of several licensed commercial banks is as follows:

BOC – Rs 340.00
People’s Bank – Rs 329.99
Sampath Bank – Rs 340.00
HNB – Rs 340.00
NDB – Rs 335.00
Amana Bank – Rs 340.00

In the wake of the Central Bank’s decision to float the currency, the buying and selling rates of the USD have been fluctuating daily.

On March 07, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka announced that greater flexibility has been allowed in the exchange rate with immediate effect. However, the Central Bank had said it is of the view that the rate will not exceed Rs. 230 per USD.

Leaders of 40 independent MPs inform Speaker of decision to sit in opposition

Leaders of the group of 40 independent Members of Parliament met with Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena to hand in their decision to sit in opposition as a separate group.

The meeting was held this morning (18).

Earlier last week, over 40 MPs decided to sit independently in Parliament following mass protests demanding the Government to step down.

The group of 41 Parliamentarians who announced their decision to remain independent will be seated separately as a group.

Leader of the Pivithuru Hela Urumaya Udaya Gammanpila said this decision will be communicated in writing to the speaker, adding that the decision was reached at the meeting between the leaders of the political parties representing those 41 MPs.

Accordingly, 13 MPs from the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, MPs from 10 other political parties that supported the government, MPs from the SLPP who announced their independent stance, and the MPs from the Ceylon Workers Congress will be seated as a group separately in the house.

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Sri Lanka wants Islamabad to release financial aid offered last year

Srilanka has urged Pakistan to expedite the pending financial assistance offered by the country amid a serious economic crisis.

The proposed financial facilities include grant assistance of Pakistan Rs 5.2 crore for sports, a credit line of $10 million for procurement of defense equipment, a new defense credit facility worth $50 million and a credit line of $200 million for procurement of mutually agreed items.

The proposal was made by Pakistan in February 2021 during the two-day official visit of former Pakistan prime minister Imran Khan and former foreign minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi to Colombo.

Sri Lanka is battling a severe economic crisis with food and fuel scarcity affecting a large number of the people in the island nation resulting in massive protests over the government’s handling of the situation.

The economy has been in a free-fall since the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic, affecting tourism.

Sri Lanka is also facing a foreign exchange shortage, which has affected its capacity to import food and fuel.

The shortage of essential goods forced Sri Lanka to seek assistance from friendly countries.

The economic situation has led to huge protests with demands for the resignation of prime minister Mahinda Rajapaksa and President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

Star (Source)

Sri Lanka appointed new 17-member Cabinet

Sri Lanka has appointed a new 17-member Cabinet of Minister of Monday (18).

1. Dinesh Gunawardena – Public Administration, Internal Affairs, Provincial Councils & Local Government.

2. Douglas Devananda – Fisheries

3. Dr. Ramesh Pathirana – Education and Plantation Industries

4. Prasanna Ranatunga – Public Security & Tourism

5. Dilum Amunugama – Transport & Industries

6. Kanaka Herath – Highways

7. Vidura Wickramanayake – Labour

8. Janaka Wakkumbura – Agriculture & Irrigation

9. Shehan Semasinghe – Trade & Samurdhi Development

10. Mohan Priyadarshana De Silva – Water Supply

11. Wimalaweera Dissanayake – Wildlife & Forest Resources Conservation

12. Kanchana Wijesekera – Power & Energy

13. Thenuka Vidanagamage -Sports and Youth Affairs

14. Dr. Nalaka Godahewa – Media

15. Professor Channa Jayasumana – Health

16. Naseer Ahamed – Environment

17. Pramitha Bandara Tennakoon – Ports and Shipping

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Sri Lanka’s true inflation at 74% in April according to Professor Steve Hanke

Sri Lanka’s headline inflation measured by Hanke’s Annual Inflation Index hit a staggering 74 percent in the year through April 15, 2022 as prices from energy to staples to discretionary items received a jolt last month from the botched rupee float.

Prof. Steve Hanke, an Economist at John Hopkins, a private research university in Baltimore, Maryland in the United States, measures the inflation in countries with currency troubles, taking the true underlying factors such as the opportunity cost and other associated costs one has to undergo when a good or service is purchased.

Hanke’s inflation is more than thrice the official headline inflation of 18.7 percent measured by the Colombo Consumer Price Index for March.

The Central Bank on April 8 forecasted the official inflation at 28 percent in the next three months as Sri Lanka has entered into an era of runaway prices due to global commodities prices boom, Russia & Ukraine crisis and the float of the rupee on March 7 which caused the currency to lose more than 60 percent of its value in a month.

However, some economists disagree with Hanke’s index of inflation as it is based on the idea of what is known as purchasing power parity, a concept, which measures the ability of a person who earns in rupees to buy stuff versus a one who earns in dollars.

Hence, it incorporates the loss of one’s ability to purchase something into the increase in the official index of inflation measured using the changes in the prices of basket of goods and services. Therefore, those who disagree with his index of inflation say that it is misleading as Sri Lankans deal in rupees and not in dollars. However, Hanke, a neo-classical economist is widely known as a proponent of what is called as currency boards in place of central banks, which will effectively cap the amount of money printing to the amount of foreign currency reserves one has. Hence his galloping inflation index makes a stronger case for a currency board, as he believes money is the only determinant, which causes inflation. Therefore, those who oppose Hanke’s inflation say his index driven inflation must be looked at in that context to push through his idea of installing a currency board in Sri Lanka. But, economists and analysts are vastly divided over the concept of currency boards as Sri Lanka doesn’t have adequate foreign currency reserves at present nor it allows the Central Bank to support its own banking system for liquidity and the economy when it wants to accelerate growth.

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Sri Lanka seeks bridging finance from India till IMF bailout

While India plays a prominent role in helping its neighbour Sri Lanka come out of a deep economic crisis, it was learnt from reliable sources that Colombo has asked New Delhi to provide bridging finance for the crisis-ridden country till the International Monetary Fund (IMF) provides adequate funds, which may take another three to four months.

Notably, this comes after Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman held several rounds of discussions with her Lankan counterpart and High Commissioner. Sri Lanka, sources added, has also asked India to use its influence on friendly countries like Japan to help Colombo with a line of credit and also reach out to multilateral organisations for assisting the island nation. A source familiar with the development said that the Indian Finance Minister was positive about this proposal and is expected to reach out to other friendly countries to mobilise assistance for the economic crisis-affected Sri Lanka. Meanwhile, Sri Lankan Finance Minister Ali Sabry is expected to meet Sitharaman in Washington DC in the coming week, according to sources. In the shape of the line-of-credit for food, fuel, medicine, currency swap and deferment of payment at the Asian Clearing Union, India has already provided assistance to the tune of USD 2.4 Billion to Sri Lanka. However, for the next four months, till the IMF deal is worked out, the island nation will be needing much bigger financial backing for imports. Technical talks are also taking place between members of the Sri Lankan Presidential Advisory Group on Multilateral Engagement and Debt, with India’s Chief Economic Advisor V Anantha Nageswaran. Sri Lanka will begin talks with the IMF on Monday and the process is likely to take around four months to operationalise. Thus, Colombo is looking for bridging finance for this period from India and other countries. Sources familiar with the developments said India is the first and only country that is coming forward to bring Sri Lanka out of its financial mess, and Colombo sees it as a new chapter in the bilateral relationship with New Delhi. Sri Lanka sees this as long term, beyond crisis, and hopes to play a prominent role in India’s energy aspirations for the future, they said. India’s southern neighbour Sri Lanka is battling a severe economic crisis with food and fuel scarcity affecting a large number of its people, resulting in massive protests over the government’s handling of the situation. The country’s economy has been in a free-fall since the onset of the Covid pandemic following the crash of the tourism sector.

ANI (Source)

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Bandula, Dullas and Thondaman also refuse Cabinet posts

Former Minister of Mass Media Dullas Alahapperuma says he will not accept a position in the new Cabinet of Ministers.

In a twitter message posted today, the SLPP parliamentarian said he believes that a government consisting of all the political parties represented in Parliament will be the best option at this critical juncture.

Alahapperuma also extended his best wishes to the soon to be appointed “youth-heavy” new cabinet.

“I stand by my decision (made on 3rd April) not to accept a cabinet position. I believe a government consisting all parties in Parliament will be the best option at this critical juncture. History bears witness to it. Wish my best to soon to be appointed youth heavy new cabinet,” the tweet said.

Meanwhile former Trade Minister Bandula Gunawardena also says that he will not accept a ministerial post in a future government.

The SLPP MP said that he met President Gotabaya Rajapaksa on the 15th of April and submitted in writing a lengthy explanation of the situation in the country and a series of measures to be taken to alleviate the problems of the country’s economy and living standards.

Gunawardena said he further requested that a new Cabinet of Ministers consisting of no less than 15 young, educated, efficient ministers be appointed as the previous Cabinet has already resigned.

Accordingly, at a meeting of former Cabinet Ministers held yesterday, a group of former Ministers also agreed to my proposal and pledged that they would not take over the posts of the new Cabinet and would continue to support the Government’s program, he said.

In addition to this, the General Secretary of the Ceylon Workers’ Congress (CWC) and former State Minister of Estate Housing & Community Infrastructure, Jeevan Thondaman says that he too will not be taking up any Cabinet ministry.

He stated that upon his resignation as a state minister, he had communicated to the ruling party that he will not be taking up any portfolio “till solutions are provided and changes are made”.

In a twitter message, he said the CWC had decided, “for now”, to abstain from voting on the motion of no confidence to be brought forth by the opposition.

“The reasoning behind the decision was that we have not been intimated by the Opposition as to what their road map is and if in case no party/coalition can show simple majority then the question arises on how to proceed,” he said.

He added: “The CWC is not the only party as there are other parties that share the similar view and are seeking answers from the opposition. I do understand that as a long standing organisation, the CWC does have a principle of neutrality but I, personally, believe that circumstances must be taken into account and a collective and sensible decision is necessary which is why we have called for a party meeting where all views will be shared, discussed and, hopefully, the right decision is taken.”

“However, it is also my responsibility to deny the claims of, me, taking a cabinet ministry as I have communicated, upon my resignation as a state minister, to the Ruling Party that I will not be taking up any portfolio till solutions are provided and changes are made.”

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Opposition disunity and foreign aid may help the Rajapaksas stay afloat By P.K.Balachandan

The Rajapaksa regime in Sri Lanka, extremely hard-pressed though it economically and politically, might still survive thanks to disunity among the Opposition parties and the massive infusion of financial and material aid to the country from abroad. The fact that the politically savvy Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa has come out of his shell and is fronting for the reclusive and apolitical President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, is also expected to buttress the government.

There are essentially six critical factors working in favor of the regime. The first factor is the Rajapaksas’ firm resolve to stay put in power so long as they have the backing of the constitution and the law. Their resolve is a major challenge to the Opposition which is chronically divided. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa has categorically told his detractors that he will not resign because he still has the mandate secured in the last elections and that he will not accept any corrective mechanism outside the framework of the constitution. This stance is fully backed by his elder brother, Prime Minister and political heavy weight, Mahinda Rajapaksa. The firmness of the Rajapaksas’ means that the Opposition will have to marshal all its resources and put the brothers on the mat if it is to dislodge them. But it appears that it is incapable of doing so.

The second factor is opposition disunity. Although after the defection of 42 MPs from the ruling coalition, the government had only one more than the required number to stay in power, it has survived because the opposition has multiple and clashing aims and is also lacking a single leader. In an act of bravado, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna-led National People’s Power (NPP) rejected the President’s call to parties in parliament to accept cabinet portfolios in an all-party interim government. The JVP and NPP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake said President Rajapaksa could not make such a suggestion when the people were demanding his exit at once and with one voice. The NPP/JVP MP, Vijitha Herath, said that the President should be “impeached”, which is a very complicated process.

MPs of the breakaway group of the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLPP) and the 11-party alliance, jointly wrote to the President asking him to appoint an all-party government, and also a “National Executive Council” functioning above the cabinet. They also demanded a repeal of the 20 th.Amendment, which gives the President gargantuan powers; and the re-enactment of the 19 th.Amendment which had given more powers to parliament. The main opposition party, Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), started collecting signatures for a Motion of No Confidence against the government. The Tamil National Alliance demanded the abolition of the Executive Presidency. But the Tamil Progressive Alliance (TPA) said that this demand was too ambitious and opted for the restoration of the 19 th.Amendment instead. The United National Party (UNP) leader Ranil Wickremesinghe asked the President to resign making way for him to become a caretaker President till the next election.

The opposition parties were also divided on the question of seeking IMF help to resolve the economic crisis. The Lanka Sama Samaj Party (LSSP) and the JVP/NPP are against going to the IMF, while the SJB and the United National Party (UNP) were for it.

The third factor is the inability of the Leader of the Opposition, Sajith Permadasa, to reconcile these different demands. He is unable to present one list of demands and press the government to accept them making use of the government’s wafer thin majority in parliament. The opposition is amorphous and leaderless.

The fourth factor in favor of the government is the assumption of leadership by Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, a past master in politics. He is filling the void created by Gotabaya Rajapaksa who has gone into a shell. Disregarding his poor health, Mahinda Rajapaksa left the backseat he had been occupying since 2019 end to engage with politicians and state the government’s case to the public. It was Mahinda Rajapaksa and not Gotabaya Rajapaksa who delivered an address to the nation over TV. In that, he showed empathy for the suffering public. But he also stated that the opposition had spurned his offer of positions in the government to jointly solve the country’s problems. He then justified the government’s decision to dig in and do its best to solve the problems on its own as mandated in the last elections.

The fifth factor is the amorphousness of the demonstrating citizens’ group demanding the President’s resignation. The demonstrators are basically apolitical middle and upper class youth. For them, protest is a part time activity. It is also a floating population, lacking an organizational structure and leadership. Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa has cleverly offered to talk to them, knowing full well that they are not in a position to talk with one voice, except to keep chanting “Gota Go Home”.

The sixth and the most critical factor is the help that the international community is giving to enable Sri Lanka to come out of the economic woods. Indian aid of US$ 2.5 billion to buy essential fuel, food and medicines, has been arriving, to the great relief of the government as well as the masses. India will help with ‘bridge financing’ to enable Sri Lanka before it gets the IMF facility.

China too has promised US$ 2.5 billion in loans and buyer’s credit. The modalities for the disbursal of these funds are being worked out. Both India and China have enormous geostrategic and economic stakes in Sri Lanka and political stability is a necessary condition for those interests to be realized.

The US is at a remove as compared to India and China, but it is vitally interested in roping Sri Lanka into the anti-China, Indo-Pacific grouping. To achieve this, Washington will need a friendly and stable government in Colombo. Washington has clout in the IMF and the World Bank, which Sri Lanka has decided to approach for funds. It is expected that the US will help Sri Lanka in this regard. The encouraging part is that the Rajapaksa government has shed its reserve about approaching the IMF and will be sending a team of distinguished neo-liberal economists to negotiate with international funding institutions. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa has also spoken to other countries like Japan and South Korea and these have promised help.

With the onset of seasonal rains, hydro-electric power generation is expected to increase giving relief from long-duration power cuts. On the agricultural front, the Prime Minister has withdrawn the policy of disallowing chemical fertilizers and has revived the fertilizer subsidy to infuse life into the dying agricultural sector.

With the government indicating its determination to stay put and the international community inclined to help the incumbent government, some of those who left it are believed to be thinking of trekking back. SLFP MP Shantha Bandara is already back and is a State Minister now. And fellow partyman, Ranjth Siyambalapitiya, has also come back as Deputy Speaker. More MPs are likely to come back to the Rajapaksa fold. It is therefore likely that the government of the Rajapaksas will stay put to steer the ship of State through the troubled economic waters.

Protesters project “Go home Gota” on President’s office building, Police attempt to block

The President’s office in Colombo on the Galle Face stretch is considered to be the most powerful building in the city.

However, for over a week ordinary Sri Lankans with zero political backing have camped outside the President’s Office demanding the resignation of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, and the entire Government.

Protestors are camped at what is now called GotaGoGama, formerly the agitation site for protest and are protesting at the gates of the President’s Office 24 hours of the day.

In recent days, thousands of Sri Lankans have taken to the streets to demand the resignation of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

Sri Lanka is facing its worst economic crisis since gaining independence from Britain in 1948 with food shortages, soaring prices and power cuts.

On Sunday (17) night, tech savvy protestors decided to take over the President’s Office walls using video projector mapping.

Head-turning projection mapping has become commonplace at events like music festivals, product launches or shows, but that doesn’t make the spectacle any less mind-blowing. Projecting video onto surfaces such as buildings, to create the illusion of 3D art, used to be a fledgling art form but it has grown into a phenomenon.

Unlike flat projection, video projection mapping turns any object into a screen – such as a building – and project onto its walls without any distortion. Often site-specific, the best projection mapping projects succeed by enhancing rather than effacing the architecture they’re beamed onto, this time it was the President’s Office.