Between January 1 and December 31, 2025, during the first session of Sri Lanka’s 10th Parliament, a total of 26 government bills were passed.
Details of the approved legislation are as follows.

Between January 1 and December 31, 2025, during the first session of Sri Lanka’s 10th Parliament, a total of 26 government bills were passed.
Details of the approved legislation are as follows.

A high level committee meeting on the expeditious implementation of initiatives under the USD 450 million post-disaster reconstruction package was held in Colombo yesterday.
The meeting was headed by the High Commissioner of India to Sri Lanka Santosh Jha and the Minister of Labor and Deputy Minister of Finance and Planning Dr. Anil Jayantha Fernando.
Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) Chief and Secretary-General, Douglas Devananda became the latest political leader to be arrested in Sri Lanka. The former Jaffna district MP and ex-cabinet minister was arrested by the Police on December 26 (Friday) in Colombo. The ex-minister was initially detained under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) by the CID and on Sunday he was remanded until January 9, 2026, by the Gampaha Magistrate.
The acting Police Media Spokesman, ASP Minura Senarath told this newspapers that the arrest was connected to an on-going investigation into the alleged transfer of a firearm to an organised gang criminal. It is alleged that a pistol issued to Devananda had later been found in the possession of underworld gang leader and drug lord ‘Makandure Madush’.
Devananda was summoned by the Police Criminal Investigation department (CID) to record a statement concerning details of firearms issued to him by the Defence Ministry for his protection during the years of war between the Sri Lankan Armed forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Devananda was supportive of the Government and the EPDP under his leadership cooperated with the armed forces in a para-military capacity. The LTTE then branded Devananda as a traitor and made several attempts to kill him.
According to informed Tamil sources Devananda had been asked to present himself on December 26 to record a statement concerning firearms issued to him years ago. The ex-minister travelled down to Colombo from Jaffna and presented himself to the CID on Friday. He didn’t suspect that he would be arrested.
Weliweriya
Devananda was quizzed by Police officers attached to the Homicide and Organized Crime Investigation unit of the CID. He was told that a 9 mm handgun had been recovered in a shrub jungle area near a culvert in the Weliweriya area of Gampaha district in the year 2019. The Police had found the concealed weapon due to information supplied by drug kingpin Makandure Madush who was later killed in 2020 under suspicious circumstances.Some months ago the Police launched an intensive, wide-ranging investigation into organised crime and the narcotics trade. It is well known that President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has declared war on the use and trade of narcotics. The JVP led NPP Government headed by the president is fully committed to the elimination of the drug menace.
When the files concerning slain drug lord Madush were re-activated in this regard, it was discovered that the firearm found in Weliweriya bore the serial number of a handgun given to Douglas Devananda in 2001 by the Defence Ministry. Police had then wanted to find out how a gun given officially to Devananda in 2001 went into the “possession” of the drug kingpin Makandure Madush.
Devananda was summoned to record a statement clarifying how the weapon given to him had got into the hands of Madush. Devananda however hadn’t been able to provide a satisfactory explanation when being questioned, according to the Police. As a result, the CID arrested him and detained him for 72 hours under a PTA order. He is likely to be produced in courts on Tuesday (Dec 30).
Firearms
According to informed Tamil circles close to Devananda, the EPDP leader had received the 9mm pistol in July 2000 and not 2001. It was part of a mini-arsenal provided to the EPDP for protection against the LTTE. The cache consisted of thirteen T-56 assault rifles and six 9 mm pistols. Subsequently the EPDP had been asked to hand over the firearms issued to them twice.
The first occasion was after the 2002 ceasefire facilitated by Norway. The EPDP reportedly returned their firearms to the Defence ministry. As a result several unarmed EPDP cadres were gunned down by the LTTE during the ceasefire period. The EPDP got firearms after the ceasefire ended and war erupted again.
The second occasion was after the war ended conclusively following the military defeat of the LTTE in May 2009. The EPDP had returned the arms on a staggered basis to the defence ministry. The firearm in question had also been returned to the Defence Ministry. If the gun was really in Madush’s possession, then it was more likely that the “lapse” was by the “defence sector” and not the EPDP opined informed Tamil sources.
Tamil Statement
According to these Tamil circles close to the EPDP, former minister Devananda had clearly furnished details of the various arms given to the EPDP by the Defence Ministry. Devananda however had insisted during the interrogation that his statement should be recorded in Tamil. He had pointed out that Tamil was his mother tongue and also an official language. Therefore he was entitled to have his statement recorded in Tamil as his Constitutional right. The CID officers who quizzed Devananda were unable to record the statement in Tamil. It is expected that the 72-hour detention order would enable the statement to be recorded in Tamil.
Makandure Madush
Samarasingha Arachchige Madush Lakshitha alias Makandure Madush was an underworld gangster and drug lord who was very powerful and politically influential. He relocated to Dubai in 2006 and operated his drug network from there. He was arrested in February 2019 for a drug offence and was deported to Sri Lanka in May 2019. Madush allegedly provided much information regarding his illegal activities and connections to the Police. He is said to have implicated over 80 persons in this regard including top politicians, senior Govt officials and high-ranking Police officers.
In October 2020, Madush was reportedly taken by the Police to a housing scheme in Maligawatte to uncover stashed heroin. According to the ‘official’ version released by the Police, Madush was fired upon by two unknown persons. There was a fire fight when Police retaliated. Madush was allegedly caught in the crossfire and killed. This Police story was disbelieved by many.
It is indeed strange that the Police reactivating inquiries into Madush’s activities should probe the pistol given to Devananda instead of so many other grave matters concerning Madush and possibly incriminate people in powerful positions. Compared to the scale and scope of the drug lord’s illegal activities, the ‘Devananda pistol matter’ seems rather insignificant.
Tigerish elements
The arrest and detention of Devananda has been welcomed by people supportive or sympathetic to the LTTE. Tigerish elements and fellow travellers are flooding social media with anti-Douglas posts and comments. Some You Tubers seem confident that this is the end of Douglas and that the EPDP chief would be behind bars for a long time. Tiger and pro-tiger elements hate Douglas Devananda because he defied the LTTE and fought against them alongside the armed forces. Hence they are agog with joy over Devananda’s present predicament. They are delighted that people like Pillaiyaan and Devananda who fought with the Army against the LTTE are now being arrested and detained.Who then is Devananda and what is the role he played in Sri Lanka’s recent history? I have written about him before and will try to answer the question raised with the aid of earlier writings.
Defiance of Tigers
Kathiravelu Nythiananda Douglas Devananda is in a sense a very unique personality. Douglas displayed a high degree of consistency in opposing the LTTE in the past. In those days the LTTE claimed to be the sole representative of the Sri Lankan Tamils and Devananda tried to counter that claim by projecting the EPDP as the sole alternative in defiance of the tigers.
Douglas had to pay a high price for his bold stance; the LTTE killed numerous comrades and cadres, including his own brother. Furthermore multiple attempts were made on his life. Devananda is the only person who has survived several different assassination attempts by the LTTE. Among these are a full-scale attack with SMGs, grenades and RPGs on his former residence in Colombo 5, a brutal assault by LTTE prisoners in Kalutara jail and two attempts by women suicide bombers at his former ministry in Colombo 3.
“Athiaddyk Kuthiyan”
Devananda’s rise to power and office is a fascinating tale. His family hailed originally from Chunnakam, but later moved to Athiaddy in Jaffna town. The LTTE’s “poet laureate” Puthuvai Ratnadurai referred to Douglas in his poems as “Athiaddy Kuthiyan” (hunk of Athiaddy) Devananda’s father Kathiravelu was a Clerk at the Inland Revenue Department and later became a Staff Officer of the Petroleum Corporation. His mother Maheswary taught at Jaffna Central College.
Devananda’s paternal uncle was the well-known trade unionist and activist K.C. Nythiananda. Devananda spent many years with Nythiananda at 17 Frances Road in Colombo 6. The bachelor Nythiananda virtually adopted Devananda who studied at Colombo Hindu College then. Earlier he was at Jaffna Central College. Devananda was no academic bright light, but learned rudimentary politics from his uncle. Devananda went on to include both Nythiananda’s name and his nom de guerre in the militant movement, “Douglas,” as part of his official name later.
The seventies of the 20th Century was a period of political ferment for the Tamils. The old left lost its lustre because of its political cohabitation with the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). Leftist stalwarts like Nythiananda metamorphosed into Tamil nationalists. The Tamil youth too were getting radicalised. Secession and armed struggle to achieve it was the credo of the youth.
EPRLF
Devananda also was not immune to these currents. He joined the Eelam Revolutionary Organization of Students(EROS) and, thanks to his erstwhile Trotskyite mentor, Eliathamby Ratnasabapathy, went to Lebanon and obtained military training with the Palestinians. Devananda acquired the nom de guerre Douglas then. After returning from the Middle East, Devananda along with K. Pathmanabha and others broke away from the EROS and formed its off-shoot the General Union of Students (GUES) followed by the Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF).
Devananda’s indulgence in pre-1983 militancy was short-lived. He led a not-so-successful robbery of the Thirukkovil Bank in the Amparai District, but was caught in Akkaraippattru when fleeing. Jailed at Welikada, Devananda like Panagoda Maheswaran and others fought tooth and nail to escape death at the hands of Sinhala convicts in July 1983.
PLA Commander
Transferred to Batticaloa, Devananda played a crucial role in engineering the breakout from within. Escaping to India, he underwent Indian arms training too and then formed the Military Wing of the EPRLF the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Douglas was the first PLA Commander.
The PLA’s military track record wasn’t very impressive and its most ambitious project, the 1985 attack under Douglas’s command on the Navy installation at Karainagar, was a disaster. Douglas lost his sister Madhivadani alias Shobha (the first woman cadre to die in combat) as well as his second-in-command Sinnavan among other casualties in the abortive attempt.
Soon sharp differences arose between Devananda the Military Chief and Pathmanabha the Political Commissar of the EPRLF. The movement in practical terms was vertically split. The EPRLF politburo removed Devananda from his post and appointed Gaffoor as Military Commander.
Choolaimedhu
This resulted in Devananda travelling in late 1986 to Chennai (then Madras) to meet Pathmanabha and resolve matters. While Douglas was staying at Choolaimedhu in Chennai, there arose an unsavoury incident where a mob was instigated by interested parties into attacking the EPRLF-backed office, the Eelam People’s Information Centre (EPIC). The EPRLF fired at the mob and an Indian Tamil lawyer was killed. Though not directly involved, Devananda was arrested. Under these circumstances the EPRLF rupture became permanent.
ENDLF
After his release on bail, Devananda’s faction and a PLOTE dissident faction led by Thangarajah alias Paranthan Rajan came together and formed the Eelam National Democratic Liberation Front (ENDLF). The Indo-Lanka accord and its aftermath led to this front collapsing. Devananda took up a firm Tamil nationalist stance and condemned New Delhi. Devananda’s position on the Indo-Lanka Accord was very much akin to that of the LTTE then. This assertion of Independence cost Devananda greatly as the pro-Indian Paranthan Rajan ingratiated himself with New Delhi at Devananda’s expense. A friendless Devananda and cadres were left to fend for their own.
EPDP
This phase was perhaps the nadir of Devananda’s politico-military fortunes. He formed the Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) in Madras, but found himself pathetically short of funds. The EPDP situation then was pitiful. The desperate EPDP was compelled to engage in extortion and kidnapping of Sri Lankan Tamils in Madras to extract money. Devananda was arrested on a kidnapping charge and tasted prison life again. This episode earned him the negative sobriquet ‘Pillaipidikaran’ (Kidnapper) among Tamil circles. After securing a temporary release from prison, Devananda jumped bail and returned to Sri Lanka where he soon dialogued with intelligence officials and struck a deal with Ranjan Wijeratne.
Ranjan Wijeratne
Devananda met with Ranjan Wijeratne, then Deputy Defence Minister under President Ranasinghe Premadasa, for a confidential discussion. Devananda made an offer that the unconventionally dynamic Wijeratne could not refuse. Devananda was prepared to place at the Government’s command the full cooperation and unstinted support of his newly-formed organisation in return for protection and support.
The offer was path-breaking at that time as no Tamil militant organisation had until then come forward to help the main ‘enemy’ directly. An uneasy truce between the Sri Lankan Government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was in force then. Devananda however could prove useful if war broke out in the future. It was advantageous to Colombo then to procure the services of Devananda.
Preliminary arrangements were made. The agreement arrived at with the Government then was like manna from heaven to Devananda. It was only some weeks before that he had arrived in Colombo with two comrades from Chennai (then Madras). His political fortunes were at a low ebb. The offer to help the Government was born through desperation. The bold gamble worked and then bloomed successfully after war broke out with the Tigers.
Over 300 cadres
With war erupting in June 1990 between the Government and the Tigers. Devananda was in business. EPDP cadres scattered in several parts of India and Sri Lanka began to converge in Colombo. Devananda also went in for new recruits and dissidents from other groups. Soon he had more than 300 cadres at his disposal. Apart from outright block grants of money by the State, arrangements were also made to pay monthly allowances per cadre. The EPDP also engaged in propaganda for the State in both the print and electronic media.
Devananda was criticised severely then for betraying the Tamil cause and openly collaborating with the enemy. Devananda however maintained some form of independence and autonomous action from the start. It is to Devananda’s credit that he did not let the EPDP deteriorate- devoid of political content- into a stark mercenary outfit alone.
As war progressed, the LTTE withdrew from the islands off the northern peninsula. This was Devananda’s opportunity. Devananda and his boys arrived with food and provisions by sea and set foot after many years in the north. The islands were entrusted to the EPDP’s care by the then UNP Government. This helped the EPDP to establish a strong presence in areas coming under the Kayts constituency.
Life thereafter was on the ascendant for Devananda. Utilising the control he had over the offshore islands, Devananda began transporting seafood to Colombo. A lucrative trade in dried fish was established. The transport of goods to and from the islands were another source of revenue.
Entered Parliament
He next moved into the Parliamentary arena, fielding an Independent list of EPDP and UNP candidates in 1994. The captive voters of the offshore islands ‘cast’ their votes overwhelmingly for Devananda. Since the bulk of Jaffna voters were under LTTE control and therefore could not vote, the EPDP list with about 10,000 votes went on to gain nine seats. Devananda entered Parliament. Thereafter he was elected MP from Jaffna in every election until 2024. He switched sides from the UNP to the SLFP and then to the SLPP.
Devananda has represented Jaffna for 30 years at a stretch in Parliament from 1994 to 2024. He also served as a cabinet minister for 18 years in the years 2000 -2002, 2004-2010, 2010- 2015 and 2019-2024. No Sri Lankan Tamil politician possesses such a record. The unexpected victory of the JVP led NPP in the north in 2024 resulted in Devananda becoming a political casualty. Now he has been arrested and detained. What next for Devananda?
(D.B.S.Jeyaraj can be reached at dbsjeyaraj@yahoo.com)
The International Department of the Communist Party of China (CPC) has pledged relief supplies worth RMB 1 million (approximately Rs. 44 million) to Sri Lanka, further strengthening China’s support in the aftermath of Cyclone Ditwah.
The Chinese Embassy in Colombo announced the donation via X describing it as a gesture of “love and care” for the Sri Lankan people.
The aid follows a recent high-level visit by a CPC delegation led by Wang Junzheng, which focused on bolstering the “Rebuilding Sri Lanka” initiative launched in response to the cyclone’s devastation
A Bill aimed at curbing organised crime will be presented to the Parliament within the course of next month (January 2026), according to the Public Security Ministry.
Speaking to The Daily Morning, the Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister, Ananda Wijepala said: “We will be presenting a Bill aimed at curbing organised crime to the Parliament in January. It is expected to introduce tougher penalties and longer prison terms for organised crimes through this Legislation.”
He added that criminals involved in drug trafficking and other organised criminal activities are currently detained under the Prevention of Terrorism (Temporary Provisions) Act as amended, which allows for extended detention for questioning. The new Bill, he said, would provide specific legal provisions to permit the extended detention of such suspects and reinforce enforcement mechanisms targeting organised crime, without relying on laws enacted for other purposes.
Sri Lanka has seen a sharp rise in organised criminal activities in recent months, particularly linked to the illegal drug trade. Police have reported an increase in targeted shootings, contract killings, and gang-related violence in several parts of the country including the Western and Southern Provinces. Many of these crimes are believed to be connected to disputes within drug networks and efforts to control trafficking routes and distribution hubs.
However, there are various forms of gaps in the existing legal provisions that make it difficult to deal effectively with organised crime. Challenges include limitations in prosecuting individuals who operate from outside the country, delays in extradition processes, and difficulties in tracing and confiscating assets acquired through criminal activities.
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin on Sunday wrote to Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, urging immediate diplomatic intervention to prevent the continued detention of Tamil Nadu fishermen by the Sri Lankan Navy and to secure the swift release of those currently in custody along with their fishing boats.
In his letter, Stalin drew attention to a fresh incident in which three fishermen from Ramanathapuram district were apprehended by the Sri Lankan Navy on Sunday while fishing in what they said were traditional fishing waters. The fishermen had ventured out from the Mandapam fishing harbour on December 27 and were arrested along with their mechanised fishing boat the next day on charges of crossing the maritime boundary.
Expressing serious concern, the Chief Minister said such incidents have been occurring with alarming frequency and have caused severe disruption to the livelihoods of thousands of fishing families along the Tamil Nadu coast. He noted that repeated arrests and seizure of boats have pushed fishermen into economic distress and uncertainty, even as many continue to depend solely on the sea for survival.
According to the data cited in the letter, 61 fishermen from Tamil Nadu and 248 fishing boats remain under the custody of Sri Lankan authorities. Stalin urged the Union government to take up the matter urgently through appropriate diplomatic channels to ensure the early release of all detained fishermen and their vessels and to put in place effective mechanisms to prevent such arrests in the future.
The Chief Minister reiterated that safeguarding the lives and livelihoods of Tamil Nadu’s fishermen must remain a top priority in bilateral engagements with Sri Lanka.
Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) Education Secretary, Pubudu Jagoda, has accused the government of preparing to pass a new repressive law,
He made the remarks while addressing a special press conference in Nugegoda on Sunday (28 Dec), regarding the government’s anti‑democratic interventions, including the new anti‑terror law and emergency regulations.
“At a time when society is still reeling from the Ditwah disaster, the National People’s Power government is preparing to pass a new repressive law. They came to power promising to abolish the Prevention of Terrorism Act, but now they are ready to introduce an even harsher law under the name PSTA. It is clear that this law will have serious consequences for society,” he said.
Pubudu Jagoda further claimed that under this new law, even pressuring the government not to do something can be defined as a terrorist act.
“For example, if someone tells the government to withdraw from the destructive IMF agreement, they could be arrested as a terrorist. Similarly, one cannot even pressure a foreign government. If someone tells India to cancel agreements signed with Sri Lanka, that too could be labelled terrorism. Clearly, this law is not about protecting the state but about suppressing criticism of the government.
“The power to sign detention orders is given to the Secretary of the Ministry of Defence. The Defence Secretary is not an elected representative accountable to the people but a political appointee. Such a person is now being given powers that belong to the judiciary. Furthermore, under Section 56, the Attorney General is allowed to pressure detainees, for instance, telling them that if they admit guilt, they will be rehabilitated and released in two years, but if not, they could face ten years in prison. Suspects could even strike deals with the Attorney General, who may then decide not to prosecute, leaving cases suspended for 20 years. What kind of law is this?” he said.
Pubudu Jagoda noted that according to Section 63, the President can ban any organization, and that opposing such a ban is also defined as terrorism.
“If this law is passed, even without a state of emergency, the military will be empowered to enter homes and conduct searches at will. Until now, even the police needed court approval for searches, but now the military will have authority without judicial oversight.
“Additionally, an OIC in the police will be able to examine anyone’s mobile phone, messages, and calls at any time. If an officer makes such a request, the courts cannot intervene. The government’s much‑touted ‘digital’ push was clearly aimed at this. The plan is to constantly monitor where we go, who we connect with, and what we say. Under this law, if someone posts on Facebook inviting others to join a protest at Galle Face, they could be arrested as a terrorist. The government’s digital agenda was never about improving people’s facilities. We saw during the recent disaster that even the President’s so‑called digital advisor’s telecom SIM card did not function, leaving hundreds unable to alert authorities and costing lives. Yet instead of fixing such failures, the government is bringing laws to monitor people’s online activity,” he said.
Stating that this is a very serious situation, Pubudu Jagoda urged the people of this country not to allow this law to be passed.
“Previously, the Temporary Provisions Act for the Prevention of Terrorism was introduced with a promise to abolish it in six months, but it still remains. The government will try similar tricks with this law. Their aim is to silence the entire population. But as the Frontline Socialist Party, we are not prepared to allow such repression. We call on the people to intervene immediately to abolish this anti‑democratic law,” he added.
Investigations have revealed that 20 firearms issued to former Minister Douglas Devananda remain missing.
Among the missing weapons are 15 T-56 firearms and five 9mm pistols.
Investigations are also underway into more than 1,500 T-56 bullets and over 100 rounds of 9mm ammunition that were issued to the former minister.
Police stated that the firearms and ammunition were issued to Douglas Devananda in 2001. The investigation is being conducted by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID).
The CID yesterday took steps to detain and question former Minister Douglas Devananda following his arrest.
Police said the detention was carried out under the provisions of the Prevention of Terrorism Act.
Douglas Devananda was arrested on December 26 when he appeared before the CID to give a statement in connection with the investigation.
Police further said that a pistol issued to Douglas Devananda by the Army in 2001 was recovered near a culvert in Weliweriya in 2019, based on information provided by organized criminal Makandure Madush.
The arrest followed a lengthy investigation conducted by the Homicides Investigation Division of the CID.
Former Minister Douglas Devananda, who was arrested by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) on Friday (26), has been remanded until January 9, 2026.
He was remanded after being produced before the Gampaha Magistrate, Ada Derana reporter said.
Devananda was taken into custody on Friday by CID officers in connection with an incident in which his personal firearm reportedly fell into the hands of members of an organized criminal gang.
It is reported that the former minister was arrested in connection with an investigation into an incident in which a firearm, which was provided to then minister Devananda by the Sri Lanka Army for his personal use in 2001, was later recovered following the interrogation of organised criminal figure ‘Makandure Madush’ in 2019.
Upon inspection of the serial number of the weapon, it was revealed that the firearm in question had been issued to Devananda.
The former minister’s pistol was subsequently found concealed in a forested area near a culvert in Weliweriya.
The CID then obtained a 72-hour detention order to further question former Minister Douglas Devananda.
Police stated the CID has also launched an investigation into additional firearms issued by the Sri Lanka Army to former Minister Douglas Devananda.
Accordingly, the CID has launched investigations into 19 more firearms that had been issued to him.
The sudden phone call from India’s External Affairs Minister Dr S. Jaishankar last week saying he was coming to Sri Lanka as his Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s special envoy must have taken the Sri Lankan government by surprise. Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath was in Parliament, where the government was voting on additional funds for the recovery process from Cyclone Ditwah, when he was sent a note that his Indian counterpart was wanting to get through to him urgently. Minister Herath rushed back to his ministry to take the call to be told of the visit.
Confirmation of the Jaishankar visit to Sri Lanka came from the Indian side. The Indian External Affairs Ministry in New Delhi announced on Monday that its minister will visit Sri Lanka the next day. “The visit underscores India’s Neighbourhood First Policy,” it said. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Colombo was silent on the visit. The Sunday Times heard of the visit earlier and announced it last week (Dec. 21). President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s movements, if any, had to be restricted for the visiting dignitary. He was coming not as Minister of External Affairs but as Modi’s special envoy, which gave him a higher status, protocol-wise. If there were other appointments already pencilled in, the diary had to be cleared.
It was no coincidence that the Indian VIP was arriving in the midst of a previously scheduled visit by a Chinese delegation. Thus, Dr Jaishankar, whose government wanted it known they were the ‘first (foreign) responder’ to the Ditwah disaster, and rightly so, made it to Colombo in an Indian private jet 24 hours before the Chinese delegation arrived.
It was Deputy Tourism Minister Ruwan Ranasinghe who was rushed to Katunayake to greet Dr Jaishankar on arrival. Video clips showed the deputy minister walking behind the visiting VIP and the Indian High Commissioner after the welcome. Here too, an announcement came from Dr Jaishankar’s own X post. “Landed in Colombo this evening… Look forward to my meeting with Sri Lankan leadership tomorrow,” he tweeted. Still, there was no announcement from the Sri Lankan government.
On Wednesday (Dec. 23), Dr Jaishankar met President Dissanayake and handed him a letter from Prime Minister Modi. Again, it was Dr Jaishankar who tweeted, “Pleased to call on H.E. President @anuradissanayake in Colombo today. Conveyed Prime Minister @narendramodi’s warm wishes and message of solidarity in the aftermath of Cyclone Ditwah.” It went on to list the work his government had done under its ‘Operation Sagar Bandhu’ and announced a commitment of USD 450 million to Sri Lanka—of which USD 350m is on a credit line and USD 100m a grant. The fact that India was the ‘first responder’ was emphasised in the tweet, apart from mentioning “the building on our civilisation ties”.
He referred to the Indian Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) as a ‘glowing tribute’ to India’s military, humanitarian, medical material, logistical and technical prowess, promoting the country’s policy goal as a first responder and net security provider from a regional force to a global maritime vision.
The Indian minister in his post referred to Sri Lanka as its closest maritime neighbour.
Soon after meeting President Dissanayake, the Sri Lankan media was told there would be a “press statement’ by the visiting minister—again, the invitation came from the Indian High Commission in Colombo. But it was an invitation to attend by listening to the live coverage on YouTube from the comfort of their newsrooms—not in person. There was no invitation from either the Presidential Secretariat (where the statement was read out), the Foreign Ministry or the Media Ministry of the host government. The entire visit seemed to be orchestrated by the visitors. Not only was this unprecedented, but when the Indian minister came to the podium to read out his speech, there were clapping and cheers from inside the Sri Lankan Presidential Secretariat, which continued after he finished reading out the text.
The Indian High Commission was careful to say it was a ‘press statement’ that the minister read out. The Sri Lankan Foreign Ministry at last decided to say something on the visit and sent a “Statement to the Media” quoting the Foreign Minister Herath’s welcome address at the event. It was a ‘statement to the media’ read to it through YouTube in the presence of a largely Indian delegation.
Later in the day, the visiting special envoy met with Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya, who was feted big-time in India only weeks ago, and Sri Lankan northern political leaders. The official photograph released shows the local leaders seated in a row listening attentively to the minister seated on the opposite side.
With its neighbourhood in crisis and the situation in Bangladesh worsening vis-à-vis India, and China seemingly making gains in the region, especially in the Indian Ocean, a constructive role in Sri Lanka, for the second time in recent years, enhances India’s global image as a stabilising force in the neighbourhood and an effective strategic and defence partner for external powers.
Dr S Jaishankar also took the time to meet Tamil political leaders from the North and the upcountry plantation sector that witnessed significant damage, including loss of lives, during Cyclone Ditwah.
The Tamil nationalist parties’ delegation, led by Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchchi (ITAK) president C.V.K. Sivagnanam, reiterated India’s diplomatic push to ensure the government holds the much-delayed Provincial Council election at the earliest.
In addition to ITAK, representatives from the Eelam People’s Revolutionary Front (EPRLF), the People’s Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE), the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation (TELO) and the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) took part in the meeting.
Collectively, they pointed out that India has a ‘moral duty’ to ensure PC polls were held on time, stressing that the ‘PC system’ was the brainchild of India, and later it was introduced into the country’s constitution through the 13th Amendment.
We have pointed out the need to have the PC polls on time since most of the PCs’ terms expired over a decade ago. As a party that has secured successive mandates from Tamil people for power devolution based on a federal structure within an undivided country, we stressed India’s role in this,” ITAK President Sivagnanam said.
Chinese CCP delegation in Colombo
Hot on the heels of the visit by the Indian External Affairs Minister, a high-profile delegation from the People’s Republic of China led by Wang Junzheng, Member of the 20th Central Committee, Communist Party of China, and Secretary of the CPC Committee of the Xizang Autonomous Region, arrived in the country.
The Chinese delegates met with President Dissanayake at the Presidential Secretariat hours after Dr Jaishanker’s meeting. NPP sources were keen to stress that the Chinese visit was mainly to strengthen party-to-party ties, namely between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the main constituent party of the NPP.
The Chinese delegates told the President that China will collaborate with Sri Lanka to enhance the understanding and friendship that was established between the leaders of both nations during President Dissanayake’s official visit to China and will continue to support the ongoing projects in Sri Lanka and initiate new projects.
They also pledged additional support for Cyclone Ditwah recovery efforts, but there was no announcement of financial support by way of grants or loans.
The Chinese Embassy also hosted an event at the Colombo Shangri-La Hotel where the members of the Chinese delegation shared insights on China’s 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-2030). Among those in attendance at the event were former president Maithripala Sirisena and Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa.
The Chinese delegates also met with the JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva at the JVP headquarters at Pelawatta on Wednesday. The two sides discussed the long-standing friendship and cooperation between the Communist Party of China and the JVP.
The JVP General Secretary, who undertook an official visit to China in June, briefed the Chinese delegation on the history of the JVP, the current political situation in Sri Lanka, and cooperation activities in line with the Memorandum of Understanding signed during President Dissanayake’s official visit to China.
Both sides also exchanged views on the need for, and measures to, strengthen cooperation between the Communist Party of China and the JVP in the coming year.
Source :Sunday Times LK