Black July that gave birth to two political bloodbaths – MOHAMED AYUB

Posted on | by TELO Admin

Business establishments, factories and movie theatres run by Tamils were torched, sometimes while the occupants were in them (Courtesy The Guardian UK)

The hate instilled in the minds of Tamil youth by the week-long anti Tamil pogrom provided thousands of recruits for the Tamil armed groups

Exactly 43 years ago, on July 23 1983, a single violent incident in Jaffna shifted the course of Sri Lankan history by a wide angle. It accelerated an armed conflict in the north of the country that was then marked by random, isolated incidents into a full-blown war which became one of the longest armed conflicts in the world.

It also triggered a fresh armed conflict in the south which within two years claimed over 60,000 lives, mainly innocent people. The brutality of the armed forces and vigilante groups created by the same forces during that conflict could be assessed by comparing its death toll with that of the former which ran into just over a hundred thousand within three decades.

Both bloodbaths could have been averted had those power-hungry politicians in power then acted prudently and farsightedly. In fact, it was the government that created the southern conflict – one between the armed forces assisted by vigilante groups, and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) which had by then renounced violence after their failed insurrection in 1971 to enter into democratic politics.

Thirteen soldiers were killed in Jaffna on July 23, 1983 in a land mine blast followed by gunfire by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), the most ruthless among half a dozen Tamil armed groups then active in the Northern and Eastern Provinces who were fighting to carve out a separate state for Tamils, within the territory of Sri Lanka.

The southern populace – who were till then used only to news of isolated attacks by Tamil groups that killed one or two police officers or soldiers — was shell-shocked with the number of soldiers killed, though they became accustomed in the years which followed to hearing news of the demise of Presidents, ministers and commanders of the armed forces, apart from thousands of soldiers. The LTTE killed over 1200 army personnel within two days in 1996 while overrunning the Mullaitivu army camp and between 1500 security forces personnel were killed when the Tamil Tigers overran the Elephant Pass military complex in 2000.

However, with the bodies of the 13 soldiers being brought to Colombo for their funeral on July 24, 1983 hundreds of thousands of people thronged the Capital with emotions spilling over. Something happened somewhere initially which triggered a huge backlash against the Tamils in the city.

Thousands of houses and vehicles occupied by Tamils and business establishments, factories and movie theatres run by Tamils were torched, sometimes while the occupants were in them. The news flew across the country where similar riots against Tamils broke out, except in the Northern and Eastern Provinces.

The complicity of the ruling United National Party (UNP) was apparent by the inaction on the part of the security forces personnel deployed in the streets. Not a single shot was heard to have been fired or tear gas was used to quell the mobs. 53 Tamil detainees in the Welikada prison were killed in two separate days allegedly by the outsiders and fellow detainees, without any reported resistance from the prison guards or the security forces personnel.

Indian Foreign Minister Narasimha Rao was in Colombo and Kandy to see the carnage which was ongoing for a week. President J.R. Jayewardene who was unheard of for the first four days of arson attacks, killings and looting addressed the nation on July 27 but only to criticise the Tamil leaders for their demand for separate Tamil state and not to warn the rioters. Next day, attacks and looting intensified. Not a single hooligan was prosecuted.

Narasimha Rao presented in Indian parliament a report on his observations in Sri Lanka, especially on the pathetic situation of people of Indian origin which was highly damaging to Sri Lanka. Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who was already not happy with President Jayewardene’s pro-Western policies, used this report as well as the large influx of Tamil refugees who crossed the Palk Strait to escape death and destruction for India’s geo-political ends.

She armed, trained and funded about four Tamil armed groups including the LTTE and forced the Sri Lankan government to accept a power devolution scheme which was brought to the island by senior officials of Indian External Affairs Ministry like G. Parthasarathy and Romesh Bandari. It culminated in the ‘Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord’ imposed on Sri Lanka by India in 1987, introducing provincial council system.

The hate instilled in the minds of Tamil youth by the week-long anti Tamil pogrom provided thousands of recruits for the Tamil armed groups while the widespread sympathy for Sri Lankan Tamils around the world helped Tamil leaders, such as Appapillai Amirthalingam, who was then the Opposition Leader, cultivate diplomatic backing for the Tamil separatist struggle. The rest is history.

On the other hand, the Jayewardene government used the riots in 1983 to proscribe the JVP and two other leftist parties falsely accusing them of backing the riots. In fact, the JVP, which was then growing rapidly, was the real target. It was widely believed that President Jayewardene wanted to eliminate the JVP from the political arena due to the legal challenge of its leader, Rohana Wijeweera against the results of the referendum that was held in December 22, 1982, to extend the term of the Parliament that was elected in 1977, till August 1989.

The ban on other two parties was lifted soon when it was seen a mockery of justice while the JVP remained proscribed on various flimsy grounds. The JVP took various legal as well as political actions through its trade unions and other friendly entities and persons to get the proscription imposed on it done away with. After being pushed to the wall after three years, during which time its cadres and leaders were increasingly arrested and killed, the party sought protection through a desperate decision to arm itself and face a military that was battle hardened, well- experienced and armed with sophisticated modern weaponry.

However, the JVP was forced to confront what had become inevitable. Its entire politburo, except for one member, Somawansa Amarasinghe, was eliminated. Rohana Wijeweera was killed while in custody of the army. Thousands of JVP members were killed or disappeared or escaped to other countries while thousands more were incarcerated. Politics of other parties and personal animosities of various people played their role, wiping out thousands more, mostly innocent youth, from the surface of the earth. The number of total fatalities is said to be over 60,000. Yet, people still call it the ‘JVP Bheeshanya,’ thanks to the power of pro-establishment media over the year.

Black July survivors/victims still await justice -.dailymirror.lk

Posted on | by TELO Admin

July 23 marked that fateful day in 1983, when the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) ambushed a Sri Lankan Army patrol in the northern city of Jaffna, killing 13 soldiers. Beginning July 24, government-backed mobs systematically targeted the Tamil population across the country.

An estimated 3,000 Tamils were killed. Around 8,000 homes and thousands of business places were destroyed, causing millions of dollars in damage. It took twenty-one years before President Chandrika Kumaratunge formally acknowledged the tragedy and distributed symbolic compensation to a group of victims July 21 2004.

With the riots being largely enabled by the ruling United National Party (UNP), not a single individual has ever been criminally prosecuted or convictedfor the crimes committed during the 1983 Black July pogrom. Despite widespread massacres, sexual violence, and arson targeting the Tamil community, a persistent culture of impunity still pervades.

The blood-letting and mayhem of those weeks after July 23 led to the near three-decade long civil war. During that period, the LTTE attacked and pillaged Sinhalese and Muslim villages. No precise numbers of Sinhala and Muslim civilians killed by the LTTE exist.

However, nearly 72,000 Northern Province Muslims were forcibly expelled from their homes by the LTTE. Hundreds of Muslim civilians also died in massacres and localised raids carried out by the LTTE in the North and East (such as the Palliyagodella (October 15, 1992) and Kattankudy mosque massacres (August 3, 1990). No prosecutions.

The civil war ended with state forces defeating the LTTE.

Even while the civil war was raging, in the south an armed uprising to topple the state led by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) broke out in 1987 against the presence of Indian troops in the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF).

Exact figures for Sinhala civilians killed by state armed forces and pro-government death squads during that period do not exist. But it is estimated during that insurrection over 40,000 young Sinhalese men and women were killed by state forces. Thousands of innocent civilians lost their lives. But none of the killers have been brought to justice, while politicians seem determined to protect the perpetrators from justice. Even the present regime which suffered at the hands of the then government seems disinterested in bringing to justice the leaders who brought such calamity to the country.

In the north and east, the ordinary man/woman recognising their politicians were doing little to solve their problems took a revolutionary decision to support a national party –the National People’s Power (NPP) led by the JVP- rather than regional parochial political parties who kept depending on India to solve Lankan problems.

They realised long before their political leaders, India had neither time nor intention to meddle once more in what was basically Lanka’s internal problems. Basically they were tired of politicians who continually run to India to seek solutions to what were basically Sri Lankan problems.

In the south too, survivors and victims of previous government’s massacres and ordinary folk tired of waiting for solutions to basic problems and for justice turned to the JVP-led NPP for justice and a better economic deal.

Unfortunately, the new regime has not been able to tackle the basic problems of those in the north and east, the Muslim community or the Sinhalese masses who form the voter-base of the NPP.

The cost of living is way beyond wage levels in the country. Despite the rural background of the top leadership of the JVP, farmers are protesting high costs of agricultural inputs for their produce. The Muslim community who also voted for the NPP rather than religious themed political parties feel let down.

On the international scene where even countries of the West are banning Israeli goods produced in occupied territories, the JVP-NPP government boasts of sending more Lankan workers to Israel so-as-to free up Israeli workers to join the Israeli armed forces committing genocide in Palestine and Lebanon.

President Dissanayake and his cabinet colleagues need to speedily find solutions to these outstanding problems. They received a huge vote of public confidence. If they fail to live up to expectations they could end up like past president Rajapaksa in the dust bin of history.

‘Your Thought’ is a space, a right of the readers to support or contradict and discuss the issues highlighted in the editorial and other articles in the editorial and op-ed pages. Designed as the reader’s editorial; our readers can send in their writings, with a word count not exceeding 200, to ‘Your Thought’, Daily Mirror Political Features Desk, No 8, Hunupitiya Cross Road, Colombo 2 or email to dmreadersthought@gmail.com

Honouring Our Leaders Is Our Right in a Democratic Sri Lanka

Posted on | by TELO Admin

Ensuring Democratic Space for Tamil Remembrance

We acknowledge the transformation of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and the JVP/NPP from militancy to democratic politics. TELO, a registered political party in Sri Lanka with representation in Parliament, has also evolved through decades of struggle — and it remains our duty to honour our founding leaders with dignity.

Restricting peaceful Tamil commemorations undermines confidence in the government’s commitment to equality. our Uk reprsentative met the Valvettithurai OIC and clearly explained the purpose of our statue opening. Our intention is respectful, democratic, and fully within our rights as a political party.

A government earns trust through fairness. Tamils must be given equal space to remember their history.

Posted in Uncategorized

‘We Didn’t Unite to Shake the Government’ By Sulochana Ramiah Mohan

Posted on | by TELO Admin

The announcement has fuelled widespread debate over whether the new platform marks the emergence of a new political force or simply an issue-based coalition within the Opposition. On 13 July, six minority parties announced the formation of a common platform comprising Ceylon Workers’ Congress (CWC) General Secretary Jeevan Thondaman, Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK) M.A. Sumanthiran, Tamil Progressive Alliance (TPA) Leader Mano Ganesan, Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) Leader Rauff Hakeem, All Ceylon Makkal Congress (ACMC) Leader Rishad Bathiudeen, and Democratic Tamil National Alliance (DTNA) Leader Selvam Adaikkalanathan. The move has intensified speculation over the alliance’s political significance, its ability to bridge the differing priorities of Tamil-speaking communities, and its implications for the future of the Opposition.

In an interview with Ceylon Today, CWC’s Jeevan Thondaman addressed questions over the alliance’s objectives, its relationship with the Opposition, how it intends to bridge the differing priorities of the Northern, Eastern, Hill Country Tamil and Muslim communities, and whether the platform can move beyond identity politics to deliver meaningful outcomes for Tamil-speaking people across Sri Lanka.

Excerpts of the interview follow:

The Alliance was not prompted by one particular event or election

What prompted the formation of this six-party alliance at this particular moment?

A: This alliance was formed because we believe Sri Lanka is at an important stage. While the country has made progress since the economic crisis, many long-standing political and governance issues affecting Tamil-speaking communities remain unresolved.

This was not prompted by one particular event or election. It is the result of continued discussions and a shared belief that cooperation will always achieve more than fragmentation. When we speak together on issues that affect our communities, our voice becomes stronger and more constructive.

Is this primarily a pressure group within the Opposition, or the beginning of a new political front?

A: It is neither. This is a platform for cooperation among parties representing Tamil-speaking communities. Each party continues to retain its own identity, leadership and political independence. We have simply agreed to coordinate on matters where we share common concerns. Our immediate focus is effective cooperation and better representation, not creating another political party or political front.

What gap do you believe this alliance fills that existing Opposition structures have failed to address?

A: The parties represented on this platform have different constituencies and political histories, but we also face several common issues that require a coordinated approach. We have agreed to work together on three immediate priorities, introducing a new Constitution, the early conduct of Provincial Council Elections and addressing land-related issues affecting Tamil-speaking communities. Speaking together on these matters gives greater weight to the concerns of the people we represent.

Could this eventually evolve into a formal political alliance with a common candidate at future national elections?

A: It is far too early to discuss electoral arrangements. Today, our focus is on working together in Parliament and on issues affecting the communities we represent. Political decisions relating to future elections can be considered when the time comes. Our success should be measured by what we deliver for the people rather than speculation about future candidates.

The common thread is not that we agree on everything

The six parties have different political histories and priorities. What is the common thread that binds you together?

A: We share several core principles. We believe in democracy, equal citizenship, social justice, constitutional governance, peaceful political engagement and protecting the rights of the people we represent. Our political histories may differ, but our commitment to these principles is what brings us together. The common thread is not that we agree on everything. It is that we agree on the key issues that require immediate attention. We are united in calling for a new Constitution, the early conduct of Provincial Council Elections and meaningful solutions to longstanding land issues affecting Tamil-speaking communities. These are concerns shared across the North, East, Hill Country and Muslim communities.

We have also agreed that each constituent party will nominate two representatives to analyse, review and submit a comprehensive report setting out their objectives and priorities. That process will help us identify areas of consensus and, in due course, develop a common roadmap for the platform.

Beyond that, every party retains its own identity and political position, but on the issues where we agree, we believe our collective voice is stronger than individual efforts.

How will this alliance function when its members have disagreed on major national issues in the past?

A: Differences are normal in any democracy. What matters is that we now have a mechanism to consult one another before taking positions on issues affecting our shared interests. We do not expect everyone to agree on everything, but we do expect mature discussion and mutual respect.

What mechanisms have you established to resolve disagreements and prevent internal conflicts?

A: The alliance will function through regular consultation and consensus. There will be continuous discussions among party leaders and representatives before major decisions are made. Open communication and mutual respect will be the foundation of this partnership.

Are there issues on which the alliance has deliberately agreed to disagree?

A: Yes. Every party retains its own identity and political position. Where issues fall outside our common agenda, parties remain free to express their own views. This platform is based on cooperation, not uniformity.

Beyond minority issues, what common positions have you reached on the economy, education, governance and constitutional reform?

A: At this stage, our common agenda is focused on the priorities we announced publicly, namely a new Constitution, early Provincial Council Elections and resolving land-related issues. As discussions continue, we hope to expand cooperation into other national issues such as economic development, education and governance where there is common ground.

Will the alliance publish a common policy document or roadmap?

A: We have already outlined our immediate priorities publicly. As this platform develops, we will certainly consider publishing a broader framework that reflects the areas where all constituent parties have reached consensus.

We reject extremist politics

Sri Lanka has long struggled with politics based on ethnicity. How will this alliance avoid reinforcing ethnic divisions?

A: Our intention is exactly the opposite. Recognising the concerns of different communities does not divide the country. Ignoring those concerns often creates greater division. This alliance is committed to constitutional democracy, equality, reconciliation and inclusive development. We reject extremist politics. Our objective is to strengthen dialogue between communities while ensuring every citizen feels equally represented.

Many Sri Lankans are looking beyond identity politics towards economic recovery and good governance. Why should voters see this alliance as a step towards national unity rather than another ethnic based grouping?

A: Economic recovery and national unity cannot exist without inclusion. This platform is built around constitutional democracy, equal citizenship and ensuring that every community has confidence in the institutions of the country. We believe a united Sri Lanka is built by ensuring every citizen feels respected and included in the country’s progress.

Can a platform built around Tamil-speaking communities eventually evolve into a genuinely national political movement?

A: Every national movement begins by addressing the real concerns of people. If we demonstrate responsible leadership and practical solutions, there is no reason why our ideas cannot appeal more broadly. Our values are based on equality, democracy and shared national progress, which benefit every Sri Lankan.

The CWC joins this platform as an equal partner

How will you build a meaningful common agenda without one group’s concerns overshadowing another’s?

A: Every community has its own history and priorities. This platform respects those differences while recognising that many challenges are shared. Every constituent party has an equal voice, and every community’s concerns will receive equal attention. Cooperation works best when it is based on mutual respect.

Plantation leaders have long complained that Hill Country Tamil concerns, including representation in areas such as Vavuniya, have often been ignored by Northern Tamil political leadership. What guarantees do you have that this alliance will be different?

A: The strongest guarantee is equal partnership. The CWC joins this platform as an equal partner and will continue to speak directly on behalf of the Hill Country Tamil community. Our priorities will be represented by us and not through anyone else.

Why should Hill Country Tamils trust that their issues will receive equal attention within this platform?

A: Because our participation ensures that those issues remain at the centre of the discussion. Housing, land ownership, education, employment, estate infrastructure and political representation will continue to be priorities. We joined this platform because we believe it strengthens our ability to advocate for our people.

Is the current government attending to the plantation sector as expected?

A: There have been some positive initiatives, and we will always acknowledge progress where it happens. However, many long-standing issues remain unresolved. Land ownership, infrastructure, education, healthcare and sustainable livelihoods still require much greater attention. We will continue to engage constructively while holding the government accountable where necessary.

Were the Dimbula and Watawala cyclone-affected people given their welfare by the Government?

A: Relief assistance was provided, and we appreciate the efforts of officials who worked during a very difficult period. However, many families still require long-term support, including permanent housing, livelihood assistance and proper rehabilitation. We will continue to raise these issues until affected families receive the support they deserve.

Did the Government want the CWC to support any of their initiatives for the plantation sector?

A: Governments often engage political parties on matters affecting national development. Our position has always been consistent. If a proposal benefits the plantation community, we are prepared to support it regardless of who presents it. Our decisions are based on the interests of our people, not politics.

What specifically can this alliance achieve for the Hill Country Tamil community that previous political platforms could not?

A: It gives Hill Country Tamil issues a stronger collective voice alongside those of the Northern, Eastern and Muslim communities. Whether it is constitutional reform, land rights or strengthening democratic institutions such as the Provincial Councils, our concerns will now be advanced through a united platform while ensuring that the unique needs of the Hill Country continue to be articulated by us.

This, however, is not an electoral alliance

Critics argue that only selected Hill Country Tamil leaders have been included while others were left out. Why was this approach taken?

This is not a closed platform. Every alliance has to begin somewhere. We remain open to engaging with others who share the same objectives and want to work constructively for the benefit of our communities.

Was there an attempt to include all Hill Country Tamil political parties? If not, why?

The TPA has also joined this platform, and together the CWC and TPA are the two parliamentary parties that primarily represent the interests of the Hill Country Tamil community. This is not a closed platform. Discussions have already begun, and we welcome others who share our objectives to join and strengthen this collective effort.

Does this alliance genuinely represent all Tamil-speaking communities, or only the political parties that have joined it?

No alliance can claim to represent every individual. We represent the parties that have voluntarily come together while remaining committed to engaging civil society, religious leaders, youth organisations, women’s groups and professionals. Our aim is to broaden participation over time.

Has the Ceylon Workers’ Congress obtained the support of its members and grassroots before joining this initiative?

A formal political alliance would require approval through the CWC National Council. This, however, is not an electoral alliance. It is a parliamentary platform that was discussed over a long period with the party’s senior leadership to enable us to speak with a common voice on issues that affect our people while each party retains its own identity.

If, in the future, this were to evolve into an electoral alliance, we would follow the CWC’s formal decision-making process through the National Council.

Does this alliance have the confidence and support of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa?

This platform is independent of any single political party. At the same time, the CWC continues to function as part of the Parliamentary Opposition. This initiative is intended to strengthen cooperation on issues affecting Tamil-speaking communities and should not be viewed as being directed against anyone.

Will you continue to function within the SJB-led Opposition in Parliament, or independently?

The CWC remains part of the Parliamentary Opposition. Our role in Parliament remains unchanged. This platform simply allows parties representing Tamil-speaking communities to coordinate more effectively on issues of common concern.

NPP Minister Ramalingam Chandrasekar has said that no alliance can shake the current Government, and we believe it’s over this new alliance. What is your response?

A: We did not come together to shake any government. We came together to ensure that commitments already made to the people, including a new Constitution and Provincial Council Elections, are implemented. If the Government fulfils those promises, we will acknowledge it. If it delays them, we have a responsibility to raise those concerns democratically.

Critics argue that Tamil and Muslim parties have not always supported each other’s key political demands in the past. What assurances can you give voters that this partnership is based on genuine long-term cooperation rather than short-term political calculations?

A: History has had its differences, but it has also shown that cooperation is possible when there is trust and mutual respect. This partnership is based on the understanding that many of the challenges facing our communities require collective solutions. Ultimately, people will judge us not by our words but by our actions. Our commitment is to work together responsibly, deliver practical results and contribute to a more inclusive and united Sri Lanka.

Tamil-speaking political parties demand Govt to conduct PC polls without delay

Posted on | by TELO Admin

Six Tamil-speaking political parties have jointly called on the government to conduct the long-delayed Provincial Council elections without further delay, announcing a collective effort to address issues of common concern.

Representatives of the All Ceylon Makkal Congress (ACMC), Ceylon Workers’ Congress (CWC), Democratic Tamil National Alliance (DTNA), Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK), Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), and Tamil Progressive Alliance (TPA) announced the agreement at a media briefing held in Colombo today (13).

Former Member of Parliament M. A. Sumanthiran said the government had pledged to hold Provincial Council elections within one year of assuming office, but no significant progress had been made so far.

He said the parties would make a joint appeal to the government to ensure regional representation in governance and to move forward with the election process.

The parties reached consensus on four key areas, he said, including the enactment of a new constitution, conducting Provincial Council elections, addressing land-related issues affecting all communities and resolving minority-related concerns through dialogue.

Former MP Sumanthiran said the parties had also reaffirmed their commitment to continue discussions through the common platform to promote reconciliation, democratic governance, and the protection of the rights of all communities in Sri Lanka.

Posted in Uncategorized

Pillayan further remanded over 2008 Batticaloa killings

Posted on | by TELO Admin

Former Eastern Province Chief Minister Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, alias Pillayan, has been ordered into further remand custody until July 24 in connection with investigations into five murders reported in Batticaloa in 2008.

The order was issued by Batticaloa Magistrate Annathurai Darshini after Pillayan was produced before court via video conferencing.

He has been named the third suspect in the case filed by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).

During proceedings, the court examined charges linked to multiple killings in Kallady, while witnesses testified and two defense lawyers made submissions on behalf of Pillayan.

The CID told the court that the inquiry is based on evidence of several shootings carried out with T‑56 firearms in 2008.

Investigators allege Pillayan’s involvement in:

The January 9, 2008 shooting near the Murugan Temple in Kallady that killed two people, including a former police officer.
The May 22, 2008 attack on the main road in Kattankudy that left two dead.
The August 20, 2008 killing of another individual in Kothiyapulai, Vavunathivu.
After reviewing submissions, Magistrate Darshini extended remand until July 24. In addition, a separate case linked to a land dispute in Kallady was postponed to October 29.

Posted in Uncategorized

India pledges Rs. 600M for Deniyaya Base Hospital

Posted on | by TELO Admin

The Government of India has pledged to provide medical equipment worth approximately Rs. 600 million for the new Deniyaya Base Hospital, further strengthening healthcare services in the Matara District. The assistance forms part of the “Aftermath Cyclone Ditwah Project,” which supports the restoration of health infrastructure affected by environmental and geological risks following the cyclone.

A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) for the donation was signed today (13) at the Ministry of Health and Mass Media in the presence of Minister of Health and Mass Media Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa. The agreement was signed by Health Ministry Secretary Specialist Dr. Anil Jasinghe and the High Commissioner of India to Sri Lanka, Santosh Jha.

The medical equipment will be used to equip the new Deniyaya Base Hospital with modern technology, enabling the facility to provide safer, more efficient and high-quality healthcare services to residents of Deniyaya and surrounding areas. Minister Jayatissa expressed appreciation to the Government of India for its continued support, noting that the contribution further strengthens the longstanding friendship and cooperation between Sri Lanka and India.

The Government is constructing a new 300-bed Base Hospital to replace the existing Deniyaya hospital, which is being relocated due to landslide risks and limited space for future expansion. The new facility will be built on land identified at Handford Estate, about three kilometres from Deniyaya town, following geological and technical assessments that confirmed the site’s suitability.

The hospital project is estimated to cost around Rs. 6 billion and will be implemented in two phases. The first phase will include male, female, children’s and maternity wards, operating theatres, intensive care units (ICUs), an emergency treatment unit and a blood bank. The new hospital has also been designed to be environmentally friendly, disaster-resilient and equipped with modern medical technology.

The Ministry said construction of the hospital is expected to begin this year and is scheduled to be completed within three years.

Posted in Uncategorized

Xi’s governance book offers roadmap for Sri Lanka’s development: Chinese Ambassador

Posted on | by TELO Admin

China’s Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Qi Zhenhong, says President Xi Jinping’s latest governance book offers valuable guidance for Sri Lanka’s development and opens new opportunities for bilateral cooperation.

Addressing the China-Sri Lanka Readers Forum on “Xi Jinping: The Governance of China (Volume V)” in Colombo, Ambassador Qi said the publication presents China’s latest governance philosophy and provides practical insights on modernization, high-quality development, reform and opening up.

He said the principles outlined in the book could serve as a useful reference for Sri Lanka as it seeks to accelerate economic development, improve livelihoods and achieve its national development goals.

The Ambassador also said the book outlines new avenues for China-Sri Lanka cooperation, including in port economy, modern agriculture, the digital economy, renewable energy and poverty reduction.

Highlighting the longstanding ties between the two countries, Qi noted that 2027 will mark the 70th anniversary of diplomatic relations between China and Sri Lanka.

He said China is ready to further align development strategies with Sri Lanka and deepen cooperation to build what he described as a “China-Sri Lanka community with a shared future.”

The event was attended by Speaker Jagath Wickramaratne, Deputy Minister of Education Madhura Senevirathne, senior Chinese officials and representatives of Sri Lankan political parties and institutions. (Newswire)

Speech by Ambassador Qi Zhenhong at the

China-Sri Lanka Readers Forum on Xi Jinping:

The Governance of China(Volume V)

(3rd July 2026 14:00PM, Hilton Colombo)

Hon. Hu Kaihong, Deputy Head of Central Office of Cultural and Ethical Progress of China,

Hon. Jagath Wickramaratne, Speaker of the Parliament of Sri Lanka,

Hon. Madhura Senevirathne, Deputy Minister of Education and Higher Education,

Hon. Yu Tao, Vice President of China International Communications Group,

Hon. G. Weerasinghe, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Sri Lanka,

Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, Friends,

Good afternoon! It is a great honor to gather here with you today for the China-Sri Lanka Readers Forum on Xi Jinping: The Governance of China(Volume V). Together, we will jointly explore the profound theoretical insights and rich practical achievements of this book. I would like to extend warm welcome to all the distinguished guests, and express my heartfelt gratitude to friends from all walks of life who have long been caring for and supporting China and China-Sri Lanka relations.

Just now, Hon. Hu Kaihong delivered an in-depth and systematic exposition of the core tenets and rich essence of Xi Jinping: The Governance of China(Volume V), with a focus on China-Sri Lanka cooperation and exchanges. I believe that everyone here has gained a deeper understanding of the stances, viewpoints, as well as methods contained therein. Hon. Yu Tao will provide further elaboration later. I would like to take this opportunity to share a few reflections from my own study.

This work demonstrates that Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is broad and profound, while keeping pace with the times. This thought is the Marxism of contemporary China and of the 21st century. It embodies the finest of the Chinese culture and the Chinese spirit of our times, serving as a scientific guide for our endeavors to build a great country and advance national rejuvenation on all fronts through Chinese modernization. Meanwhile, it has made a global contribution to people of all countries in enhancing cultural exchanges and mutual learning, jointly pursuing modernization, and addressing the common challenges confronting humanity.

The Volumes I to IV systematically reflect the development trajectory and key content of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Since the publication, the series have drawn widespread attention and sparked strong responses, playing a vital role in helping the international community gain a comprehensive and accurate understanding of China’s path, China’s governance, and China’s philosophy. The Volume V, sharing the same origins with the preceding volumes, stands as an authoritative work that systematically presents the latest achievements of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. It vividly presents new strategies, new perspectives, new assertions, and new requirements for advancing Chinese modernization, and elucidates the governance experience of the Communist Party of China—such as putting people first, deepening reform and opening up, and upholding fundamental principles while breaking new ground. It helps countries around the world further grasp the“intellectual key”to understanding a real China and enables them to accurately decode the secret of how China’s governance has succeeded.

This work articulates China’s latest approaches to grasping the major trend and following the right path to address global challenges. Nowadays, the international landscape is witnessing turbulence and transformation. Against this backdrop, the Volume V offers a profound elaboration on the rich connotations and practical achievements of the vision of building a community with a shared future for humanity. It further provides a scientific answer to the pressing questions of how to respond to a changing world. It also charts the progress of the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, and the Global Civilization Initiative in building a better world. Furthermore, it fully demonstrates China’s broad vision and sense of responsibility in bringing new momentum and new opportunities to the world through its own new development. Following the publication of the Volume V, President Xi Jinping put forward the Global Governance Initiative at the SCO Tianjin Summit, advocating for building a more just and equitable global governance system. The four major global initiatives, interwoven and organically integrated, light the way forward for a world searching for direction and contribute China’s wisdom and solutions to building a shared future of prosperity and well-being for all.

This work provides new inspiration and guidance for the continued development, revitalization, and win-win cooperation of China and Sri Lanka. The China-Sri Lanka friendship, spanning over two thousand years, has always remained deep-rooted and flourishing. As China forges ahead along the new journey of building a great country and advancing national rejuvenation on all fronts through Chinese modernization, Sri Lanka is also striving to boost economic development, improve people’s livelihoods, and realize the vision of “a thriving nation, a beautiful life.” The guiding principles and practical pathways set forth in the Volume V on deepening reform comprehensively, expanding high-standard opening-up, achieving high-quality development, and pursuing Belt and Road cooperation provide useful reference and inspiration for Sri Lanka. These contents also outline a new horizon for the two countries to join hands in advancing modernization and achieving common prosperity. Next year will mark the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic ties between China and Sri Lanka. China stands ready to continue working alongside Sri Lanka, further strengthen the synergy of development strategies, and deepen exchanges and cooperation in areas such as port economy, modern agriculture, digital economy, new energy, and poverty reduction. With our joint efforts, we can paint a more magnificent picture of building a China-Sri Lanka community with a shared future.

The Volume V belongs not only to China, but also to the world. It records the exploration and practice of an ancient civilization striding toward modernization, and it carries the reflections and sense of responsibility of a major country for the future of humanity. I am confident that Volume V will become a window for people from all walks of life in Sri Lanka to understand China in the new era. Let us build consensus through dialogue, enlighten one another through mutual learning, and forge the future through cooperation. Together, we can build a China-Sri Lanka community with a shared future, bringing greater benefits to our two peoples!

In conclusion, I wish this Readers Forum a complete

success! Thank you all!

Posted in Uncategorized

Families of disappeared to protest, demanding fresh probe into Matale mass grave

Posted on | by TELO Admin

Relatives of forcibly disappeared persons have called for the reopening of investigations into the Matale mass grave, uncovered fourteen years ago.

A peaceful public protest has been scheduled for the morning of 16th July opposite the Matale District Secretariat, demanding an immediate, formal and independent reinvestigation into the mass grave, widely considered one of the most heinous human rights violations in the country’s history.

Organised by the People’s Voice for Justice and Fairness, the demonstration aims to seek justice for the young men and women abducted and brutally murdered during the 1988 to 1990 reign of terror, while demanding that those responsible be publicly exposed.

Chairman of the Families of the Disappeared, Brito Fernando, said they had petitioned the magistrate’s court to reopen the case involving the mass grave.

He said construction workers had accidentally uncovered the skeletal remains of around 154 people at the Matale Base Hospital in 2012.

Forensic and judicial investigations were subsequently conducted at the site.

In April 2014, the Matale Magistrate’s Court ordered the skeletal samples to be sent to Beta Analytic, a laboratory in Florida, for carbon-14 dating, with the samples dispatched in 2015.

The case file was closed without a final order, however, with the judge stating that the investigation could not proceed further but could be reopened, Fernando told UCA News.

Relatives have now requested the court to safely preserve the remains for DNA testing, in the hope of matching them with missing persons. The case is scheduled to be heard again on 16th July.

According to Fernando, the relatives claim that former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was the military commander in the Matale area during the last phase of the twenty six year civil war that ended in 2009, when thousands had disappeared.

Rajapaksa also served as defence secretary later, when the skeletal samples were sent to the United States for analysis.

The authenticity of the samples has been questioned by relatives, who have also raised concerns about transparency in the investigation process and are demanding action against those they allege obstructed it.

Kandy based human rights activist Navarathna Bandara said the petition, filed by attorneys Himali Kularatne and Lakmal Suriyagoda, asks the court to reopen the case, order DNA testing of the remains, and direct the Government to launch a new investigation.

Sri Lanka has one of the world’s highest rates of enforced disappearances, with an estimated 60,000 to 100,000 unresolved cases since the 1970s.

About twenty mass graves have been discovered over several decades, with the most prominent sites located in Chemmani, Duraiappa Stadium in Jaffna, Mannar, Kokkuthoduvai in Mullaitivu, and Colombo Port.

These are linked to the security forces’ crackdown during the 1987 to 1989 uprising by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, and to the civil war with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam between 1983 and 2009.

Amnesty Int’l seeks answers over Sri Lanka’s Haiti deployment & child abuse allegations

Posted on | by TELO Admin

Amnesty International has responded to reports that more than 1,000 personnel from Sri Lanka’s military and police are to be deployed to Haiti as part of the international Gang Suppression Force (GSF).

Renzo Pomi, AI Representative at the United Nations in New York, said, there remain serious and unresolved allegations of widespread sexual abuse of children by Sri Lankan personnel during previous deployments in Haiti.

Sri Lanka’s authorities, along with the GSF leadership, the states part of the Standing Group of Partners, and the UN must be absolutely transparent about how the screening process for this latest deployment has been carried out, what further safeguarding measures have been put in place, and what accountability mechanisms have been established to address any potential new allegations against Sri Lankan and all other deployed forces, he was quoted as saying by amnesty.org.

Senior Sri Lankan military officers suspected of war crimes, crimes against humanity and other international crimes should be excluded from participating in any vetting processes.

In Haiti and beyond, the ongoing lack of accountability for sexual abuse allegations against UN and other peacekeeping forces is lamentable.

Civilians in the most desperate circumstances are the ones who pay the price for this entrenched impunity, he said.

Also raising concerns was the ITJP, which said on X following a meeting on 26 June, “Today, ITJP and partner NGOs met with the UN to raise urgent concerns about Sri Lanka’s proposed deployment to Haiti.”

“We were given no clarity on accountability for past allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse involving Sri Lankan personnel. We were also told the UN has no role in vetting personnel for the Gang Suppression Force,” it said

On the same day, president Anura Kumara Dissanayake joined a ceremony to extend best wishes to the Sri Lankan peacekeeping team.

Here, he said the government is duty-bound to protect and uphold every action taken in defence of the country, people and security of the state.

At the same time, it has a responsibility to investigate any action that may have harmed the reputation of the armed forces or undermined their responsibilities in pursuit of the ambitions of a small group.

I in furtherance of the interests of a very small faction, things inappropriate for the armed forces have been done, or acts have been committed that fall outside what is expected of them, the government is prepared to act, and must act, for the sake of the reputation of the military and the protection of the victims, he said.

Sri Lanka is set to deploy a contingent of 1,132 personnel from the Sri Lanka Army and the Police Special Task Force to Haiti imminently, making this the largest single deployment of Sri Lankan forces for a UN-authorized international force overseas, to date.

Between 2004-2007, more than 100 peacekeepers were repatriated back to Sri Lanka over allegations of sexual abuse and exploitation.

Publicly available information does not indicate that any Sri Lankan peacekeeper has been criminally prosecuted and convicted in connection with the 2007 Haiti sexual exploitation and abuse scandal.

In 2015, a UN investigation on Sri Lanka (the OISL report) found reasonable grounds to believe that rape and sexual violence by security forces personnel was widespread against both males and females during Sri Lanka’s internal armed conflict.

A report released this year by the OHCHR further highlights how the requisite mechanisms to ensure accountability for conflict-related sexual violence are still not in place in Sri Lanka.