Governors Forum wants PC election held under PR system

The Governors Forum, which cited certain issues that had arisen as a result of the postponement of the provincial council election yesterday, urged the government to hold the polls under the old proportional representation system.

A statement issued by the governors’ forum said the provincial council administration had become a single-party affair as ruling NPP MPs have begun interfering with the affairs of provincial councils.

Also, the statement said the entire government machinery is becoming one that is centred on a single person.

“The situation is such that Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) General Secretary is saying the provincial council election will not be held this year. A general secretary of a party cannot decide when the provincial council election can be held. The Supreme Court held that a provincial council election could be postponed by a referendum. This verdict was given when Chandrika Kumaratunga administration postponed the provincial council election in 1999,” the statement added.

“We urge the government to hold the provincial council election under the old proportional representation system without taking cover behind the select committee which has been appointed to look into provincial council polls,” it also said.

The statement has been signed by former governors Senthil Thondaman, M. L. A. M. Hizbullah, Shan Wijeya Lal de Silva, Tikiri Kobbekaduwa, Suren Ragawan, Lalith U. Gamage, Maithri Gunaratne, Sarath Ekanayake, Peshala Jayaratne, Anura Vidamagamage, Lakshman Yapa Abeywardena and Rajith Keerthi Thennekoon.

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Indian HC visits restored Northern Railway line

Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha visited the restored Northern Railway line on Monday (01), rehabilitated under a USD 5 million Indian grant.

Santosh Jha said the project forms part of the larger USD 450 million post-Cyclone Ditwah reconstruction package.

“Restoring connectivity, accelerating recovery!” he said in a post on ‘X’.

The Northern Railway line, a vital transport link connecting Jaffna and Kankesanthurai with the rest of the country, had been severely damaged by Cyclone Ditwah.

Five bridges on the northern railway line had been severely damaged during Cyclone Ditwah last year.

Public Consultation on Electoral Reforms Begins

Minister of Public Administration, Provincial Councils and Local Government, Chandana Aberathna, states that the collection of public opinions and proposals regarding presidential, local government, and general elections has commenced.

The Minister further stated that the public has the opportunity to submit their opinions and proposals on the matter before the 15th of next month.

History in flames: Remembering the burning of Jaffna Library

At midnight on May 31, 1981, the Jaffna Public Library, the crucible of Tamil literature and heritage, was set ablaze by Sri Lankan security forces and state-sponsored mobs. The burning has since been marked by Eelam Tamils as an act of genocide.

Over 97,000 unique and irreplaceable Tamil palm leaves (ola), manuscripts, parchments, books, magazines and newspapers, housed within an impressive building inspired by ancient Dravidian architecture, were destroyed during the burning. Some texts that were kept in the library, such as the Yalpanam Vaipavamalai (a history of Jaffna), were literally irreplaceable, being the only copies in existence. It was one of the largest libraries in Asia.

The destruction took place under the rule of the UNP at a time when District Development Council elections were underway, and two notorious Sinhala chauvinist cabinet ministers – Cyril Mathew and Gamini Dissanayake – were in Jaffna. Earlier on in the day, three Sinhalese police officers were killed during a rally by the TULF (Tamil United Liberation Front).

Nancy Murray, a western author, wrote at the time ”uniformed security men and plainclothes thugs carried out some well organised acts of destruction”.

“They burned to the ground certain chosen targets – including the Jaffna Public Library, with its 95,000 volumes and priceless manuscripts…no mention of this appeared in the national newspapers, not even the burning of the library, the symbol of Tamils’ cultural identity. The government delayed bringing in emergency rule until 2 June, by which time the key targets had been destroyed.”

The burning continued unchecked for two nights.

Homes and shops across Jaffna town were also set alight by the mob, including the TULF headquarters and the offices of the Eelanadu newspaper.

Virginia Leary wrote in Ethnic Conflict and Violence in Sri Lanka – Report of a Mission to Sri Lanka on behalf of the International Commission of Jurists, July/August 1981, that “the destruction of the Jaffna Public Library was the incident, which appeared to cause the most distress to the people of Jaffna.”

The Movement for Inter-racial Justice and Equality said in a report, after sending a delegation to Jaffna,

“If the Delegation were asked which act of destruction had the greatest impact on the people of Jaffna, the answer would be the savage attack on this monument to the learning and culture and the desire for learning and culture of the people of Jaffna… There is no doubt that the destruction of the Library will leave bitter memories behind for many years.”

The scholar and community leader, Reverend Father David reportedly died from shock days after the incineration of his beloved institution. While his statue in the library courtyard is surrounded now by the spirit-soothing greens of local flora, his demise epitomises the loss suffered by every member of the Tamil nation alive on that day, and each generation born afterwards: the irrevocable loss of memories, of the lives and deaths of our predecessors, of the beauty they created as well as of the destruction they may have wreaked.

In 2001, then mayor of Jaffna Nadarajah Raviraj stated that the burning “is in my memory”. ”Still I feel like crying after 20 years,” he said. Mr Raviraj was assassinated in Colombo in November 2006. Still no-one has been held accountable for his murder.

Despite Tamil attempts to memorialise the catastrophic event, by keeping part of the burnt wreckage preserved, the Sri Lankan government allegedly insisted on ensuring all areas of the building were completely rebuilt, leaving no signs of the damage done.

Yet, in 2010 the library was once again vandalised by a group of Sinhalese tourists. The Sinhalese group had attempted to gain access to the library whilst it was closed for an All Ceylon Medical Association seminar that weekend. Denied entry the “tourists reacted by running amok” said the BBC, “breaking some of the shelves and throwing books on the ground”.

They also went on to vandalise a statue of veteran Tamil politician S J V Chelvanayagam, remembered across the Tamil nation for spear heading the Vaddukoddai resolution.

In December 2016, an ‘apology’ for the burning, by current Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, was criticised – after initially receiving praise as a step towards reconciliation; the offhand manner in which it was delivered revealing a marked disregard for how deeply Tamils on the island continue to mourn the burning.

MP Mano Ganesan wants COPF to probe unauthorised use of funds allocated for Provincial Council elections

MP Mano Ganesan, in a letter addressed to Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance Harsha de Silva, urged to probe any unauthorised use of funds allocated for Provincial Council elections for any other purposes.

The following is the letter by MP Ganesan to the COPF Chairman:

I write with reference to a statement reportedly made by Tilvin Silva, General Secretary of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the principal constituent party of the National People’s Power (NPP) Government.

According to media reports, Silva stated, in substance, that funds allocated and set aside for the conduct of Provincial Council elections had been utilised by the Government for disaster-rebuilding and related purposes.

While he is reported to have made further remarks, I confine my attention to the above statement, which raises a serious matter concerning public finance and parliamentary oversight.

To the best of my knowledge, Parliament has not approved any transfer or reallocation of funds earmarked for Provincial Council elections to any other expenditure head or purpose. If the statement attributed to Silva is accurate, it may indicate that such funds have been utilised without the requisite parliamentary authorisation.

In view of the above, I respectfully request that the Committee on Public Finance inquire into this matter and ascertain whether any transfer, reallocation or expenditure of funds allocated for Provincial Council elections has occurred in a manner inconsistent with parliamentary approval and financial regulations.

I would be grateful if the Committee could examine the facts and take any action deemed appropriate within its mandate.

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Japan Provides USD $1.33 Million Financial Aid to Sri Lanka

The Government of Japan has provided financial assistance of USD 1.33 million to Sri Lanka.

This aid is intended for the upliftment of freshwater fishermen affected by Cyclone Diwtah.

The official agreement to this effect was signed by the Minister of Fisheries, Ramalingam Chandrasekaran, and the Japanese Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Akio Isomata.

Under this initiative, 200 fish cages will be established in 30 selected reservoirs within the Eastern Province.

Furthermore, this program will provide technical training to the fishermen, alongside fish fingerlings and fish feed free of charge for the first cultivation cycle.

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EU urges Sri Lanka to reapply for next-generation GSP+

The European Union (EU) has strongly encouraged Sri Lanka to seek continued preferential access to the bloc’s market under the next Generalised Scheme of Preferences Plus (GSP+) framework, while noting that the country has not fully capitalised on the opportunities provided by the trade concession over the past decade.

Addressing the Sri Lankan-German Business Forum 2026 in Colombo last week, EU Ambassador to Sri Lanka and the Maldives Carmen Moreno said Sri Lanka should use the period before the next GSP+ reapplication process to accelerate reforms, attract investment, and strengthen industrialisation.

“We firmly believe that countries such as Sri Lanka can develop through trade,” Moreno said.

Her remarks come as Sri Lanka prepares to launch a new National Export Development Plan (NEDP) this month aimed at increasing exports to $ 36 billion by 2030, placing renewed focus on market access and export competitiveness.

Moreno challenged what she described as persistent misconceptions surrounding GSP+ in Sri Lanka, noting that the facility is often viewed through the lens of compliance obligations rather than economic opportunity.

“GSP+ is an opportunity. Use it fully. Apply for it,” she said.

The Ambassador acknowledged that the scheme had helped expand Sri Lankan exports, particularly apparel exports, but noted that the broader objective of promoting industrialisation and economic transformation had been only partially achieved.

“GSP+ has delivered mixed results in Sri Lanka,” she said.

While the Scheme was designed to support industrial development, job creation, and sustainable growth, Sri Lanka’s manufacturing sector remains relatively small compared with other export-oriented Asian economies.

“Manufacturing accounts for around 25% of GDP, while in countries such as Vietnam, it is significantly higher. Therefore, Sri Lanka could have benefitted much more from duty-free access to the EU market,” Moreno noted.

However, she pointed out that new opportunities were emerging, particularly among agro-processing firms and small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs).

Moreno said she had personally visited several Sri Lankan companies with fewer than 40 employees that were successfully exporting to the EU, demonstrating the untapped potential within the country’s SME sector.

The Ambassador also highlighted that Sri Lanka’s competitive landscape was changing rapidly as the EU expanded its trade relationships across Asia.

She cited the recently concluded EU-Indonesia trade agreement and ongoing negotiations with Thailand and Malaysia, noting that Sri Lanka would face increasing competition in several export sectors.

“The first question is how Sri Lanka fits into the regional landscape, particularly in light of the new free trade agreements the EU has concluded with countries such as Indonesia,” she said.

Moreno argued that Sri Lanka must simultaneously diversify export markets, attract greater foreign investment, and expand into higher-value sectors if it is to achieve its ambitious export targets.

She also stressed that eligibility for GSP+ was closely linked to broader governance and reform efforts.

“What matters is not only commitments, but action. We would like to see reforms translate into tangible outcomes that demonstrate Sri Lanka’s openness to trade and investment,” she stressed.

While noting that GSP+ discussions often focus on governance and human rights obligations, Moreno highlighted that the scheme also contains provisions related to trade practices, though such measures have rarely been invoked by the EU.

“Market access is not a threat. It is a tremendous opportunity,” she said.

The Ambassador stopped short of commenting on Sri Lanka’s forthcoming eligibility assessment report, but described the Government’s willingness to undertake reforms as “a very positive sign.”

Moreno said Sri Lanka may never compete directly with manufacturing giants such as China or Vietnam in terms of scale, but could successfully develop “niche export sectors,” where it enjoys a competitive advantage.

“Please make full use of GSP+ and reapply for it,” she urged.

The comments are significant given the importance of the EU as one of Sri Lanka’s largest export destinations and the central role GSP+ preferences play in maintaining the competitiveness of Sri Lankan exports, particularly apparel, seafood, and industrial products.

Earlier this year, the Government expressed its intention to reapply for the vital trade concession scheme during European External Action Service (EEAS) Acting Managing Director – Asia and Pacific Paola Pamploni’s visit to Sri Lanka.

The GSP+ of the EU is a non-reciprocal tariff concession given to low- or lower-middle-income countries, conditional upon the implementation of 27 international conventions related to labour and human rights, environmental and climate protection, and good governance.

In order to ensure compliance with the 27 international conventions, the Government is undertaking legislative reform that includes the repeal of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), as well as introducing amendments to the Online Safety Act (OSA).

The EU reviews its regulations every 10 years to ensure they remain effective and aligned with evolving global and internal priorities. The current EU GSP Regulation No. 978/2012 was initially set to expire on 31 December 2023. However, due to delays in finalising the new framework, it has been extended until 31 December 2027, ensuring continuity of the Scheme.

PC polls haunt the NPP

Tilvin Silva, the General Secretary of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) has stirred up a hornet’s nest by claiming that the provincial council elections which had been last held in 2014 would only be held next year, if any new issue is not cropped up.

This statement made at the opening ceremony of the JVP’s Jaffna District office on Saturday runs counter to many promises on the provincial council elections by the leaders of the National People’s Power (NPP), the coalition that has been formed by the JVP and the repeated demands by the Opposition political parties on the same.

The veteran politician had cited two reasons as obstacles to the elections as promised. He stated that despite the government having allocated funds for the provincial council elections from the last budget, the government had to spend Rs. 500 billion for the recovery and rebuilding efforts following the disastrous Cyclone Ditwah that swept the country in late November last year.

He said that another hurdle standing in the way of elections was a legal snag that has been created in 2017 by the United National Party (UNP) which was the main entity among the two ruling parties then.

Silva does not bear any responsible position in the government, nor is he a member of the officialdom to make decisions on any election, or so the Opposition parties’ argument goes. True — yet he was not deciding anything, but announcing something that has apparently been already decided by the ruling party. On the other hand, ruling parties are the ones mandated by the people to rule the country, in accordance with the policies of that party. Hence, if the NPP has concluded that the provincial elections would not be held next year, Silva as a senior leader of the NPP announcing that decision is not inappropriate.

However, his statement on the matter does not bear any legal value, as he is not authorised to make election related announcements officially. In that sense, much like statements made by any other politician, it is just political rhetoric – a common occurrence in Sri Lanka.

However, Silva is the General Secretary of the JVP, the driving force of the ruling NPP. General Secretaries of many Marxist parties or parties that claim to be Marxist in the world have been the leaders of those parties. The JVP is an exception. Its general secretary has never been the party leader except for the founder leader Rohana Wijeweera, who held both the positions of leader and general secretary during the initial years of the party. Nevertheless, since other general secretaries of the JVP were also historically powerful figures and de-facto second-in-command, Silva’s statement carries significant political weight.

It is very unlikely that the people in the country might accept the reasons the JVP General Secretary cited for the deferral of provincial elections. The funds for the election was allocated, as Silva claims, by the 2026 budget which was passed in Parliament on December 5, last year, while the Rs. 500 billion allocation for Ditwah recovery was made through a separate supplementary estimate approved by Parliament on December 19. Budget allocations were not supposed to be affected by Ditwah recovery efforts.

Besides, it is said that provincial council elections would cost only about Rs. 10 billion, one fiftieth of the amount supposed to be spent on Ditwah recovery and rebuilding. It shows that financial constraints are not an issue hindering the elections.

The NPP in its 2024 election manifesto titled “A thriving Nation, a Beautiful Life” pledged that “Provincial councils and local government elections, which are currently postponed indefinitely, will be held within a year to provide an opportunity for the people to join the governance.” The promise was made knowing well that the Presidential and Parliamentary elections would have to precede provincial and local government elections. But the pledge in the manifesto was not materialised.

Cabinet spokesman and Media Minister Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa told the media on April 1, last year that provincial council elections have to be postponed due to legal issues and financial constraints in the face of three island wide elections having been already held within eight months. Now, Tilvin Silva is parroting the same. However, Minister Jayatissa, in a damage control move, had later on Tuesday told that funding the election is not an issue.

The 11-member Parliamentary select committee appointed to resolve legal snags is the government’s only defence against accusations regarding the delayed PC elections. Yet, it must be noted that the committee was appointed only in February, this year, ten months after Dr. Jayatissa’s above statement and 15 months after the NPP government assumed office.

It was the United National Party (UNP) led government that created this legal muddle in 2017, intentionally to evade provincial council elections. They introduced the mixed electoral system for provincial councils and presented a flawed delimitation report under it in Parliament. The House rejected it, interestingly with even Minister Faiszer Mustapha who presented it hilariously voting against it.

PC elections a non-event

Although the law required the Prime Minister to submit a review report in Parliament within two months, the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe never heeded it, forcing the PC elections to be a nonevent indefinitely. The UNP did so in fear of defeat. The current Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) cannot absolve themselves from this undemocratic step as it is an offshoot of that very ruling party, the UNP.

Then, Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) Parliamentarian M.A.Sumanthiran presented a private member’s Bill to conduct PC elections under the old Proportional Representation (PR) system in 2023. Wickremesinghe, this time as the President, and his Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) dominated government ignored it, despite it having been sanctioned by the Supreme Court.

Ludicrously, these are the parties that put pressure now on the NPP government to hold the PC elections.

The NPP seems to be dragging its feet in respect of PC elections for fear of defeat or a less impactful victory. The party seems to be of the view that any result – victory or defeat – would be a trend-setter at the next Presidential and Parliamentary elections which would most probably be the case.

Irrespective of its failures in many issues, the NPP government is still ahead of previous governments in terms of governance. It has managed to maintain macroeconomic stability after the recent economic crisis. Almost all major revenue sources — exports, tourism, migrant remittances, Customs, Excise Department and Inland Revenue Department — are continuing to show remarkable progress. However, the Opposition parties seem to have won the day by way of portraying the government as a failed, inexperienced administration in such a negative way that even supporters of the government are bewildered.

Source:Daily Mirror.lk

The Provincial Council deadlock cannot continue -Editorial The Morning.LK

For nearly seven years, the Provincial Council system has existed in a political limbo. The councils remain dissolved, elections remain postponed, and yet the machinery continues to consume hundreds of billions of rupees annually. Last week’s remarks in Jaffna by the General Secretary of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, stating that Provincial Council elections would not be held this year due to funds being redirected towards disaster relief, once again exposed the uncertainty and confusion surrounding the future of the Provincial Council system.

What makes the statement more troubling is not merely the postponement itself, but the casualness with which elections are discussed in this country. Timely elections are not optional in a democracy. To delay Provincial Council elections for more than a decade is a democratic failure. The last Provincial Council election was held in 2014. An entire generation of young voters has now reached adulthood without ever casting a ballot for a Provincial Council representative.

Yet, while elections must be held, the country must also confront an uncomfortable truth. We can no longer continue avoiding the larger debate about whether the Provincial Council system, in its current form, has actually served the purpose it was created for.

The Provincial Council system was born out of the Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987 and entrenched through the 13th Amendment to the Constitution. It was presented as the answer to ethnic tensions and as a mechanism to devolve power away from Colombo. Nearly four decades later, the results continue to remain questionable.

The central promise of devolution was that minority communities, particularly in the North and East, would gain meaningful control over local governance. That promise was never truly fulfilled. Successive Governments refused to fully devolve land and police powers. The Concurrent List became a convenient mechanism for the Centre to override provincial authority whenever it wished. Even those who once defended the system now admit that the Provincial Councils never evolved into genuinely autonomous institutions.

The Northern Provincial Council itself became symbolic of this failure. The North waited until 2013 for its first election under the post-war framework, 26 years after the 13th Amendment was introduced. The council completed one term and then disappeared into the political void. Reconciliation did not deepen. Trust between communities did not significantly improve. Ethnic grievances did not disappear.

Meanwhile, in the rest of the country, Provincial Councils increasingly became viewed as another expensive political layer added onto an already bloated State structure. Before the system collapsed into dormancy, the country was maintaining hundreds of councillors, ministers, official vehicles, staff, offices, and privileges. Many functions duplicated work already performed by Parliamentarians, ministries, municipal councils, and Pradeshiya Sabhas.

And now, despite the absence of elected politicians, the Provincial Council structure itself continues to operate. Schools still function under provincial administrations. Provincial hospitals still require funding. Public servants still receive salaries. Roads still need maintenance. The annual cost of sustaining the provincial administrative apparatus now exceeds Rs. 500 billion.

This is where the public frustration becomes understandable. The country is essentially funding a Provincial Council system without Provincial Councils. Governors appointed by the President now exercise powers that should belong to elected representatives. What was designed as a democratic mechanism for decentralisation has slowly transformed into a centrally controlled administrative utility.

The Government therefore faces a historic responsibility. With its commanding parliamentary majority, it has the political space to finally decide whether Sri Lanka intends to revive this system properly or replace it altogether. Continuing indefinitely in the current state is neither democratic nor financially defensible.

If elections are to be held, they must be held soon, and with clarity regarding the electoral framework. The endless excuses about delimitation processes and legal deadlocks have long exhausted public patience. Democracy cannot remain suspended because politicians lack the will to resolve procedural disputes.

However, if the Government genuinely believes the Provincial Council system has failed, then it must present an alternative vision honestly and courageously. It cannot simply allow the system to decay while politically benefiting from the ambiguity.

There is growing merit in the argument that genuine decentralisation should occur at grassroots level rather than through expensive provincial political structures. Strengthening Municipal Councils, Urban Councils, and Pradeshiya Sabhas may ultimately provide more direct and practical governance to ordinary citizens. Local authorities deal with daily realities. Waste collection, rural roads, drainage, markets, public health, and community services directly affect people’s lives far more than provincial political theatre.

But any attempt to move beyond the 13th Amendment must be approached carefully and consensually. Minority communities cannot be asked to simply abandon existing constitutional safeguards without credible guarantees of equality, representation, and regional participation in governance.

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PC elections can be held any time legal provisions are in place, Election Commission says

The Election Commission says it is ready to hold Provincial Council elections at any time, provided Parliament first puts in place the necessary legal framework to facilitate the polls.

The Commission made its position clear at a recent meeting of the Parliamentary Select Committee, which has been appointed to examine the electoral system under which Provincial Council elections should be held and to present its recommendations to Parliament.

The Attorney General’s Department has also submitted its observations to the Committee, outlining the existing legal impediments that stand in the way of holding the elections and the measures that would be required to address them.

Both the Election Commission and the Attorney General’s Department had been asked to provide their input to the Select Committee as part of its consultations on the matter.

The meeting was held in Parliament under the chairmanship of Minister Vijitha Herath.

Deputy Ministers Arun Hemachandra, Sunil Watagala and Muneer Mulafer attended, along with Members of Parliament Mano Ganesan, Shanakiyan Rasamanickam, Darmapriya Wijesinghe, Samanmalee Gunasinghe and Lakshman Nipunarachchi.