Nallur A living archive of a people

At the height of the Jaffna afternoon, when the northern sun presses hard against the earth and the sand grows hot beneath bare feet, a devotee lowers himself to the ground and begins to roll around the sacred precincts of Nallur Kandaswamy Kovil. Dust gathers on his body.

The heat presses against him. Yet he continues. To an unfamiliar eye, the ritual may seem difficult to comprehend. Why willingly subject the body to such hardship? Perhaps the answer lies precisely in the body. At Nallur, faith is something they carry, endure and enact.

A vow made in fear. A prayer born in suffering. Gratitude after survival. A hope for a child. A promise made to Lord Murugan. The body becomes the language through which invisible emotions acquire form. That is where the story of Nallur should begin, not with its towering gopurams, but with the human desire to transform vulnerability into hope.

The name Nallur is traditionally understood as deriving from the Tamil words nalla, meaning “good”, and ur, meaning “town” or “place”. Its cultural meaning, however, reaches beyond a literal translation. Nallur has long been associated with the idea of a sacred settlement protected by temples and guardian shrines. Historically, it was the royal capital of the medieval Jaffna Kingdom. Political authority, commerce, residence and religious life were closely connected, while temples helped shape the city’s symbolic geography.

On August 17, I arrived in Nallur in the morning and returned in the evening as the annual festival began. Families streamed towards the temple. Children held their parents’ hands. Elderly devotees moved slowly through the gathering. Women arrived in colourful traditional dress, flowers woven into their hair. Men carried offerings.

The language of symbols

The streets became an extension of the temple. Then came Kodiyetram, the ceremonial hoisting of the sacred flag. As it rose, faces turned upwards, hands folded, flowers were lifted and voices rose into the northern sky.

At Nallur, almost everything speaks in symbols. The Vel, the sacred spear of Lord Murugan, is associated with wisdom, courage and the destruction of evil. For devotees, its meaning can be intensely personal: the spear points outward, but its deepest journey is inward, towards fear, ignorance and destructive desire.

The peacock, Murugan’s divine vehicle, is associated with beauty, vigilance and the overcoming of ego. The golden gopuram rises above the crowds like a threshold between ordinary and sacred space.

The deity is carried on elaborate vahana, or ritual mounts. The sacred does not remain confined within the sanctum; it enters the streets. Then comes the Sapparam, rising above the crowd, followed by the great Ther, the chariot.

Thousands gather around it. Ropes stretch through human hands. Voices rise. The massive structure begins to move. No single person can move the chariot alone. It requires many hands. That image offers a powerful metaphor for a country. A society cannot move forward because one community pulls alone. It moves when many hands participate and find a common direction.

Among the most powerful sights at Nallur are devotees carrying kavadi. The burden rests across the shoulders, demanding balance and endurance. Pain becomes an offering. Endurance becomes prayer.

A camera can capture the kavadi, but not the reason for carrying it. It can record a face, but not the prayer behind it. The photographer sees the ritual. The devotee carries its meaning.

The history

Nallur was the capital of the medieval Jaffna Kingdom. Traditions associated with the Kandaswamy shrine extend back many centuries, with an early foundation traditionally placed in 948 CE. The present temple’s institutional history is more directly connected with its rebuilding in 1734 under Dutch colonial rule, when Raghunatha Mappana Mudaliar consecrated the sacred Vel.

Its history is therefore not one uninterrupted structure standing unchanged through time. Earlier temples disappeared. Sacred traditions survived. New structures emerged. Modern Nallur is different. Education, migration, modern professions, urbanisation and the global diaspora have transformed social relationships.

The challenge is to preserve cultural inheritance without preserving every inequality that once accompanied it. Tradition survives not by remaining untouched, but by being carried forward, questioned and renewed.

Nallur also carries the scars of conquest. Historical accounts describe the destruction of successive temples, including the historic temple during the Portuguese conquest of the Jaffna Kingdom.

What once stood is no longer there. What remains is partly architecture and partly memory. A sacred structure was destroyed. Another was built. A community continued.

In 1987, amid intense fighting in Jaffna involving the Sri Lankan military, the Indian Peace Keeping Force and the LTTE, Nallur became a major refuge site for displaced civilians. Contemporary accounts describe tens of thousands of people sheltering in and around the temple.

Political memory

Nallur also occupies a sensitive place in Sri Lanka’s Tamil political memory. In 1987, Rasaiah Parthipan, known as Thileepan, began a hunger strike near Nallur Kandaswamy Temple. His death became a powerful and contested symbol of Tamil political struggle.

For many Tamils, Thileepan remains associated with sacrifice, grievance and resistance. For others, his political context is inseparable from the wider violence of the conflict. The same landscape can therefore contain different memories. It is history. It raises a central question of reconciliation: how can a country acknowledge different memories without allowing them to become permanent instruments of hostility?

A society does not become reconciled when everyone remembers the same thing. It becomes reconciled when people can remember differently and still live together.

Nallur is also a meeting place for the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora. People return from Canada, Britain, Europe, Australia, India and elsewhere. Some come every year. Some return after decades. Some are visiting a place known only through their parents’ stories. A person can belong simultaneously to Jaffna and Toronto, to Sri Lanka and the wider world, to inherited tradition and global modernity. This complexity is a defining reality of contemporary identity.

Sri Lanka has spoken about reconciliation for decades. But reconciliation cannot remain an official phrase or political aspiration. It must enter ordinary human experience through recognition, acceptance, dignity, accountability and a willingness to confront the wounds of the past.

Cultural and social values are central to that process. Sustainable reconciliation requires space for the histories, identities, memories and lived experiences of all communities affected by prolonged conflict. Reconciliation without accountability is incomplete. Past grievances and injustices cannot simply be placed behind a curtain of silence. Credible transitional justice mechanisms are essential if Sri Lanka is to acknowledge suffering, restore trust and build a foundation for lasting peace.

Multiculturalism cannot mean merely tolerating one another. It must mean recognising one another. The question is not how to make everyone the same. It is how to create a Sri Lanka in which nobody has to become less themselves for somebody else to feel secure.

Where faith meets hope

Nallur’s history offers a powerful metaphor for Sri Lanka. The temple was destroyed. It was rebuilt. Society changed. It adapted. Communities suffered displacement. People returned. The sacred landscape accumulated layers of history. And still, the festival begins again.

This does not mean the past has disappeared.

It means the future has not been surrendered to it. That may be the essence of reconciliation: not forgetting what happened, not pretending everyone suffered in the same way, and not demanding that any community abandon its memory, but refusing to allow memory to become destiny.

Sri Lanka can acknowledge its wounds and still choose renewal. It can preserve tradition while embracing modernity. It can respect identity without turning identity into exclusion. It can remember conflict without remaining permanently trapped inside conflict.

Nallur has known kingdoms, caste and hierarchy, conquest, colonial destruction, reconstruction, refuge, political mourning, war and displacement. It has watched generations leave and generations return. Yet it continues.

That continuity makes Nallur much more than a festival. It is a living archive of what a community has carried through history.

Source:Sunday Observer.lk

Posted in Uncategorized

Sri Lanka to lease 29 Trincomalee oil tanks to investors

The government has decided to invite investor proposals for the long-term lease of 29 unused oil tanks in Trincomalee, as authorities move to develop the area into a regional fuel re-export hub.

The tanks, which currently lie idle, form part of an inventory of 61 oil tanks owned by Trincomalee Petroleum Terminal Limited.

The decision was disclosed by Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) Managing Director Mayura Neththikumarrage in an interview with a local media outlet.

Neththikumarrage said the 29 tanks earmarked for leasing represent nearly half of the terminal’s total storage capacity, and that bringing them under long-term lease arrangements with investors would help put the underutilised assets to productive use.

He said the objective behind the initiative was to position Trincomalee as a fuel re-export hub, allowing Sri Lanka to capitalise on its strategic location along key regional shipping routes and generate additional revenue from the storage and re-export of petroleum products.

Alongside the leasing plan, Neththikumarrage disclosed that reconstruction work has already commenced on two separate oil tanks in Trincomalee owned directly by the CPC.

He added that the reconstruction work runs alongside plans to upgrade crumbling local infrastructure, expand state storage facilities, and bring in private investors for additional tanks.

Sri Lanka’s GSP+ bid faces new strain over judicial independence concerns

Sri Lanka’s effort to retain preferential trade access to the European Union has run into a new complication, as a proposed constitutional amendment affecting the judiciary draws scrutiny from legal bodies and international observers ahead of critical GSP+ negotiations.

The disputed measure, the proposed 22nd Amendment to the Constitution, would alter the retirement ages of judges serving on the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal, and has become entangled with Colombo’s efforts to demonstrate compliance with the human rights and governance standards that underpin its trade privileges with Brussels.

What the amendment proposes

The 22nd Amendment would change how long serving judges of the country’s two highest courts remain in office.

Officials have defended the move as necessary to address a substantial backlog of cases and to ease pressure on an overstretched judicial system, arguing that retaining experienced judges for longer would strengthen the administration of justice rather than weaken it.

Legal bodies hit back

Opposition to the proposal has focused not on the length of judicial terms itself but on the principle at stake.

Legal experts and rights advocates contend that altering the retirement terms of judges already sitting on the bench threatens the security of tenure that underpins judicial independence, a safeguard widely regarded as essential to the separation of powers.

The Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) has formally objected to the plan on these grounds, while the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers has written to the government requesting clarification on the amendment and its likely consequences for judicial autonomy.

Why Brussels is watching closely

What began as a domestic political rift now carries major geopolitical and economic stakes, placing Sri Lanka’s vital GSP+ trade concessions directly on the line. To qualify for the scheme, beneficiary countries must ratify and effectively enforce a wide range of international conventions spanning human rights, labour standards, environmental protection and governance.

The European Commission’s newer GSP framework places special emphasis on this second requirement, so Sri Lanka must prove not merely that it has signed up to these obligations, but that they are being upheld in practice through its laws, institutions and administrative conduct.

Sri Lanka enters the process already under EU scrutiny on several fronts.

Brussels has previously raised serious concerns over the application of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), pressed for further human rights reforms, raised questions over the Online Safety Act, and noted delays in the country’s reporting against its international human rights commitments.

Any perception that the judiciary’s independence is being eroded would add to this list rather than exist in isolation.

Officials in Brussels have not signalled that the 22nd Amendment alone would jeopardise Sri Lanka’s GSP+ renewal, and drawing that conclusion at this stage would outpace the available evidence.

The more realistic threat lies in accumulation. Should concerns over the judiciary combine with existing unease about counter-terrorism legislation, online regulation and reporting gaps, the cumulative picture could shape the EU’s overall judgement on whether Sri Lanka continues to meet the threshold required of GSP+ beneficiaries.

Government response

Recognising the stakes, the government has set up a Cabinet subcommittee drawing on several ministries to coordinate the country’s preparations for the forthcoming GSP+ review.

Its remit includes identifying where Sri Lanka’s implementation of international commitments falls short and readying the country to meet the scheme’s updated requirements.

Economic stakes

Access to European markets carries substantial weight for Sri Lanka’s export-driven industries, with apparel manufacturing among the sectors most exposed to any disruption.

The government now faces a dual challenge, needing to protect the independence and standing of domestic institutions while simultaneously convincing Brussels that its international commitments are being honoured in substance rather than on paper.

How the row over judicial retirement terms is ultimately resolved may prove a decisive indicator of whether Colombo can manage both demands at once, with the outcome likely to shape the terms of engagement as formal GSP+ discussions with the EU move ahead.

Ex-Spy Chief Salley Remains Under Investigation Police Secure Fresh 90-Day Detention Order

Former State Intelligence Service Director Suresh Salley, who is being detained under the Prevention of Terrorism Act in connection with ongoing investigations into the 2019 Easter Sunday terrorist attacks, has been issued a fresh 90-day detention order.

The previous 90-day detention order obtained against Sallay was due to expire today (25).

The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) has already submitted a series of findings to court relating to investigations into the former intelligence chief in connection with the Easter Sunday attacks, which killed 278 people.

Investigators have alleged that, while serving as the Head of Military Intelligence at the time, Salley maintained direct links with the group led by Zahran Hashim, who led the coordinated suicide bombings, and directly intervened to prevent the group from being detected by investigative teams.

According to investigation reports already filed before court, the CID has referred to alleged interactions between Salley and members of Zahran Hashim’s group in relation to the collection of information ahead of the attacks, as well as contacts maintained around the time the attacks were carried out.

Based on information uncovered during the investigation, Suresh Salley was arrested in Peliyagoda on February 25, 2026, and was subsequently detained under detention orders in the custody of the Criminal Investigation Department.

In a related development, the CID later sought court intervention, leading to a foreign travel ban being imposed on former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa on June 3 in connection with the same investigation.

Two days later, Salley commenced a hunger strike, and on June 7, the Criminal Investigation Department arranged for him to be admitted to hospital.

Since then, Salley has remained at the National Hospital of Colombo under the supervision of officers attached to the Criminal Investigation Department.

Responding to questions regarding the latest detention order, Cabinet Spokesman Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa suggested that investigators may not have been able to carry out the level of questioning originally anticipated due to Salley’s prolonged hospitalization.

“Of the previous 90-day detention period, I believe he spent nearly 82 days in hospital. Therefore, if investigators had expected to carry out certain aspects of the investigation while he was in detention, it is possible that those investigations could not be completed as originally planned,” Dr. Jayatissa said.

Responding to questions about reports of ongoing medical treatment and concerns that the investigation was becoming the subject of public criticism, Dr. Jayatissa stressed that decisions regarding detention periods are determined through the legal process.

“He is being detained in connection with investigations into the Easter Sunday attacks. Investigators will report to court on whether further investigations need to be carried out and how much time is required. This is ultimately a judicial process. The duration of detention orders is determined based on the facts and submissions presented by investigators before the court. Had substantial cooperation been available during the previous 90-day period, it may have been possible to cover a significant amount of information relevant to the investigation,” he said.

Govt. plans to hold Provincial Council elections ‘as soon as possible’

The government intends to hold the Provincial Council elections as soon as possible, Cabinet Spokesman Dr. Minister Nalinda Jayatissa stated.

Speaking during the weekly Cabinet media briefing held at the Department of Government Information today (25), Minister Jayatissa stated that if parliament enacts the necessary legislation and the delimitation process is completed within this year, funds have already been allocated to conduct the elections.

The Minister made these remarks in response to a question regarding a recent statement by Parliamentarian Nilanthi Kottahachchi, who claimed that the Provincial Council elections would not be held.

Minister Jayatissa further emphasized that an election cannot be held without the necessary legal framework and, therefore, the required legislation must be enacted by Parliament without delay.

“It is the government’s intention to hold the Provincial Council elections as early as possible. If parliament provides the necessary legislation and completes the delimitation process within this year, funds have already been allocated, and we will conduct the election,” he said.

“There is no intention to refrain from holding the Provincial Council elections. A parliamentary committee has been appointed, and the relevant process must be carried out through that committee. An election cannot be conducted without the necessary legal framework. Therefore, the required legislation must be passed by Parliament promptly,” the Minister added.

Posted in Uncategorized

Sri Lanka offers four blocks in Mannar basin for oil, gas exploration licencing

Sri Lanka has offered four offshore blocks in the Northwestern Mannar Basin for international investors to explore oil and gas in a fresh attempt to attract investments into the sector after an earlier attempt ended in a failure due to not commercially viable production.

The Mannar Basin, which lies between southern India and northwestern Sri Lanka, may hold around $260 billion worth of oil and gas resources, A Sri Lanka’s former energy minister has told the parliament in 2021.

The latest attempt is the first under President Anura Kumara Dissanayake government to explore oil and gas in the area. Based on seismic surveys, previous governments have estimated that a 30,000 square kilometre area off the north coast of the country holds over one million barrels of oil resources.

“We are opening four significant exploration blocks in the Mannar Basin and invite experienced international energy companies to evaluate this opportunity and work with Sri Lanka a long-term partners in the responsible development of our natural resources,” the island nation’s Energy Minister Anura Karunathilaka said.

Sri Lanka held its first international licensing round for petroleum exploration in 2007, with one exploration block awarded to an Indian firm that pulled out amid concerns o er the commercial viability of oil production despite the discovery of gas and hydrocarbons in the Mannar basin.

“Now we have different scientific data, and we believe that the time has come to move forward with great determination and clear sense of purpose…..We are sure that the history will not repeat it again,” Karunathilaka said.

Out of the four blocks, second is the smallest with 5,689.05 square kilometres area and the fourth is the largest with 11,728.3 square kilometres area.

In 2007, the island nation assigned to China and India on nomination basis. However, this time, it has not assigned for any other countries, the officials said.

“Nobody is barred from bidding,” Neil De Silva, the Director General at the Petroleum Development Authority of Sri Lanka (PDASL) told EconomyNext.

Sri Lanka’s pursuit of offshore oil and gas exploration began in the late 1960s, initially focusing on shallow offshore areas in the Gulf of Mannar and the Cauvery Basin.

Early exploratory drilling yielded limited technical successes until 2011, when Cairn Lanka, a subsidiary of Cairn India at that time, made a breakthrough by discovering significant natural gas accumulations in two offshore wells within the deepwater Mannar Basin.

These discoveries established the presence of commercially viable natural gas and condensate deposits.

However, due to complex deepwater extraction dynamics, a lack of domestic natural gas infrastructure, and global energy market shifts, commercial production failed to materialize, leading Cairn to exit the block in 2015.

Following years of stagnation, Sri Lanka modernized its regulatory setup by enacting the Petroleum Resources Act of 2021 and establishing the Petroleum Development Authority of Sri Lanka (PDASL) to manage exploration rights and update offshore acreage block maps.

To revitalize foreign investment and lower its heavy reliance on coal and oil imports, the country introduced new joint-study regulations and structured new licensing frameworks.

These efforts aim to attract international oil and gas majors to explore and commercialize the estimated hydrocarbon potential across its three major prospective sedimentary basins: the Mannar, Cauvery, and Lanka Basins.

Posted in Uncategorized

Tamil parties back families of disappeared ahead of Jaffna conference

The Democratic Tamil National Alliance (DTNA) and the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation (TELO) have pledged their full support for a large-scale conference organised by families of the forcibly disappeared in Jaffna on 30 August, with DTNA parliamentarian and TELO leader Selvam Adaikalanathan saying the alliance will stand “shoulder to shoulder” with the families in their continuing struggle.

Speaking at a press conference at his office in Mannar on Tuesday, Adaikalanathan said families, including mothers who have spent years searching for relatives who were handed over to the Sri Lankan military, would gather in Jaffna to advance their demands.

He said the families’ years-long campaign to establish the fate of their missing loved ones remains an issue from the Tamil homeland that continues to attract international attention.

“Their struggle and their efforts to search for their missing relatives are still being discussed by countries around the world,” he said.

His comments come as excavations at the Chemmani mass grave site in Jaffna continue to raise questions over the fate of those who disappeared during the conflict.

Adaikalanathan linked the discoveries at Chemmani to unresolved cases of the disappeared, saying there were concerns that the remains of people being sought by their families could also be among those buried at such sites.

He also questioned whether civilians who were arrested in other locations could have been buried at similar sites, saying the Chemmani excavations were exposing the scale of atrocities committed against Tamils.

“What Chemmani shows today is the extent of the grave acts carried out against us by those forces that sought to destroy and eliminate the Tamil people,” he said.

Adaikalanathan said the DTNA and TELO would provide their “full support” to the 30 August conference and take action alongside the families.

“We will certainly stand shoulder to shoulder with them and engage in action with their full support,” he said.

The conference is being organised by families who have spent years seeking answers over relatives who disappeared, including those who were surrendered to the Sri Lankan military.

New U.S. Ambassador Eric Meyer Arrives in Sri Lanka

U.S. Ambassador-designate Eric Meyer arrived in Colombo, Sri Lanka on the evening of August 22, 2026, to assume his duties as the United States Ambassador to Sri Lanka.

According to the US Embassy in Colombo, Ambassador-designate Meyer expressed his enthusiasm for the opportunity to serve as the 29th U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka, stating:

“It is an honor to represent the United States in Sri Lanka. I look forward to building on the strong foundation between our two democracies to advance a U.S.-Sri Lanka partnership that creates new opportunities for American businesses, furthers our shared security interests, and delivers greater prosperity for both Americans and Sri Lankans.”

Prior to his assignment in Sri Lanka, he served as Chargé d’Affaires, a.i., at the U.S. Mission to Norway and, before that, as Senior Bureau Official for the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs at the Department of State.

NPP to launch islandwide rallies from 5 Sept

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is set to lead a series of public rallies of the National People’s Power (NPP) covering all districts from 5 September, Minister Dr Nalinda Jayatissa said.

Speaking to the media in the Kalutara area, Jayatissa said the rallies would be accompanied by a programme to reorganise electoral committees at the Grama Niladhari Division level.

He also challenged opposition groups to take to the streets and hold public meetings to demonstrate their support, instead of engaging in what he described as nightly conspiracies at the residence of former Minister G L Peiris.

“There is no point in saying that you have something more than Gotabaya Rajapaksa or Ranil Wickremesinghe, or that you have something more than this side or that side. Words are of no use,” he said.

Jayatissa said the NPP was reorganising its electoral committees from the village and Grama Niladhari Division levels.

“From September 5, large-scale public rallies will be held in districts under the leadership of the President. We say that if there is public opinion against the Government, prove it. That is all that needs to be done. They should at least look at the programme we carried out when we were in the Opposition,” he said.

Posted in Uncategorized

Call for Presidential Commission to probe Black July after four decades

A private member’s motion has been submitted to Parliament calling for the appointment of a Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the 1983 ‘Black July’ ethnic violence and the killings at Welikada Prison, with the aim of establishing the truth, assessing damages caused, and putting forward recommendations to prevent such incidents from recurring.

The motion, presented by TELO Leader and Member of Parliament Selvam Adaikkalanathan, has been listed under P. 132/2026 on the Order Paper of Parliament dated Friday, 11 September 2026.

The motion states that national integration, social structure and the economy suffered serious setbacks as a result of the Black July violence and the Welikada Prison killings. It notes that thousands of people lost their lives, tens of thousands were displaced, and considerable property, including homes and businesses, was destroyed.

The motion further points out that more than forty years on, those responsible for the violence have still not been identified, and that no comprehensive and independent investigation has been carried out into the human rights violations and property damage that occurred at the time.

The motion emphasises the timely need to build lasting harmony among all communities in Sri Lanka and to ensure that ethnic conflict of this nature never recurs in the country.

It calls on Parliament to appoint a fully empowered Presidential Commission of Inquiry tasked with uncovering the complete truth surrounding the events of 1983, accurately assessing the damage caused, and presenting policy recommendations to the government aimed at preventing a repeat of such violence in future.