My family’s “Black July” experience: A personal memoir D.B.S.Jeyaraj

The anti-Tamil pogrom ofJuly 1983 is an unforgettable chapter in the post-independence history of Sri Lanka. The catastrophic events of that dark month drastically affected the lives of several Tamils in Sri Lanka. As a Sri Lankan Tamil journalist, ‘Black July’ did have an effect on me in both personal and professional capacities. Furthermore, my family – like thousands of other Tamil families – was also affected and displaced during those turbulent times.
I was spared the full blast of that violence because I was not in Colombo then. I was on assignment to cover the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) Party convention in Mannar. Furthermore my family members though affected were fortunate in not having to undergo suffering on the scale of what some other Tamil families underwent then. Our family felt blessed in the sense that none of us were killed or physically hurt.
For nearly four decades I never wrote about ‘Black July’ from a personal perspective. I did not want to revive those painful memories. However, I did write about my family’s ‘black July’ experience in our sister paper the “Daily FT” last year to denote the 40th anniversary of ‘Black July’. Much of what I wrote then was from what I heard from my family members about their ordeal. This week’s column is a modified version of that article.

Family

My family comprised six persons in 1983. My parents, two sisters, brother and myself. I was the eldest followed by a sister, brother and sister. None of the children were married then. My father was a lawyer based in Kurunegala. My mother was a teacher. So too was the elder of my two sisters. My brother and I were working in Colombo, staying separately. My youngest sister was studying for her GCE (A) exam.
My mother retired in Kurunegala as a teacher in May 1982. After retirement, she wanted to move to Colombo and be with her children. She had earlier taught in Colombo for 17 years and always felt that Colombo was home. So we rented a part of a house along Cascia Avenue in Ratmalana. My mother, brother and youngest sister resided there.
My father and my other sister remained in Kurunegala and would come over to Colombo for the weekends. I continued to retain my room in Kotahena as I used to work late nights then at “The Island”. I would shuttle between Kotahena and Ratmalana relying on the 155 bus.
On Friday 22 July 1983 morning I left for Mannar to cover the TULF convention. I was in Mannar during the weekend when the anti-Tamil violence erupted. My father and sister had come down to Ratmalana for the 23-24 July weekend. My sister a teacher at the Tamil school in Kurunegala departed early morning on Monday 25 July to take the bus from Pettah and return to Kurunegala. My father stayed on intending to return to Kurunegala on Tuesday.

Ratmalana

Our Sinhala landlord was living in the adjacent section of the same house we were in at Ratmalana. He came over and said he had news of anti-Tamil violence in Borella and Thimbirigasyaya. He advised my family to hide in the marsh behind our house if a mob attacked. Meanwhile the morning newspapers had published the news of 13 soldiers being killed by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Jaffna. This news was also relayed over TV and Radio on the same day. The violence began escalating and spreading.
Mobs went into action in Ratmalana too. The mob that came down Cascia Avenue was led by the son of a United National Party (UNP) municipal councillor. My parents, brother and sister went behind to the marsh and concealed themselves in the bushes. There were water monitors and snakes moving about. My father and brother were armed with a large kitchen knife and hoe. My mother had had a minor accident some weeks ago and found it exceedingly difficult to crouch.
The mob leaders came to our landlord and inquired from him about my family. They had details of Tamils living in the vicinity. Our landlord said that his tenants had fled early morning upon hearing of the troubles. The mob then went to our entrance and attempted to break open the door. Some petrol was poured on the porch floor in a bid to set fire. When our landlord protested, he was told that they wanted to burn our furniture. Our landlord pleaded with the mob not to do so, saying the furniture belonged to him and not to the tenants. The mob then went off warning our landlord to inform them if my family returned home.
After nightfall, my family left the marsh and went back to the house through the rear. They spent the night there without putting on the lights. All seemed quiet at the crack of dawn on Tuesday 26 July. Our landlord wanted us to leave his house. My parents and two siblings walked to the Mt. Lavinia Police Station seeking protection. It was very early in the morning. There was no trouble along the way. Several Tamil families were at the station.
After a while, the Police escorted the families including mine to the newly set up refugee camp at the Ratmalana airport. As was to be expected the conditions at the overcrowded airport camp were terrible. Lack of space, poor sanitary facilities and inadequate food were but some of the problems.

Kurunegala

My family’s worry then was about my sister in Kurunegala. They knew I would be safe in “Tamil-speaking” Mannar. There were reports of a Kurunegala- bound bus from Colombo being stopped at Alawwa and all Tamil passengers being killed and hung on the bridge. So my family kept worrying whether she was safe or not. As for me I was worried sick about what may have befallen my family while I was safe in Mannar.
My sister however had reached Kurunegala safely. She stayed indoors at home quietly without venturing out. Her worry was about the rest of the family. One of our neighbours was a senior Sinhala police officer. So Tamils in the neighbourhood were well-protected.

Mannar

In my case, I was frantic with anxiety about the fate of my family. In those days there were no mobile phones. There was also the problem of gaining access to a telephone in Mannar and calling long distance to Colombo. Fortunately, for me I made contact with a Tamil public official named Terrence Philippupillai who was the secretary of the then Mannar district minister and Mutur MP M.E.H. Maharoof.
In those days I used to write a weekly column “Behind the Cadjan Curtain” for the “Sunday Island”. I found to my delight that the Mannar DM’s Secretary Terence was a regular reader and a fan. Thus telephone access was not a problem thereafter.
I was in regular touch with “The Island” editorial from Mannar. The editor Vijitha Yapa was out of the country when the violence began. The then deputy editor Gamini Weerakoon was in charge. I kept myself informed of what was happening by calling the editorial regularly. My colleagues and friends Ajith Samaranayake and Prasad Gunewardene took the office vehicle to Ratmalana and found out through our landlord that my family was safe at the airport camp.

Hulftsdorp

In the meantime the authorities at the Ratmalana Airport camp began allowing people to make local calls. My parents got in touch with one of my cousins, Noble Vethanayagam. He was a UNP member of the Colombo District Development Council (DDC) and closely associated with Prime Minister Ranasinghe Premadasa at that time. Noble Anna had moved to a new house in Bambalapitiya and turned his earlier residence in Hulftsdorp into his political office.
My cousin Noble Anna’s Hulftsdorp house had transformed into a mini-refugee camp with relatives seeking “asylum” there. It had Police protection. Arrangements were made for my family to move to Noble Anna’s place in Colombo 12.
My family and most of our relatives are Methodists. On Friday 29 July, three Methodist clergymen arrived in a van to take my family to Hulftsdorp. Since the vehicle was full of people, it was decided that my mother and sister would go in the van while my father and brother would follow by bus. The violence in Colombo and its outskirts had subsided by Thursday 28th and things seemed to be slowly returning to normal. But the situation changed suddenly.

Narrow escapes

A rumour began spreading that the Tigers were attacking Colombo. This was only a rumour but it provided a pretext for Tamils to be attacked again. Sadly several Tamils who had left the relative safety of refugee camps were brutally murdered on that notorious “Koti Dawasa” or Tiger Day. Both my father and brother had narrow escapes on that Friday.
They had started out from the airport camp and walked to Galle Road from where they intended to take a bus, taxi or three-wheeler to Hulftsdorp. But when they reached Galle Road, both got entangled with a furious mob going in search of Tamils again. My father and brother got separated in the melee.
My brother mingled with the mob and became part of it for a while. A section of the mob began marching down to the Airport camp threatening to destroy the Tamil refugees there. My brother marched along with them shouting slogans. Once the mob reached the airport, my brother slipped out and went into the camp showing his camp ID card. The mob ranted and raved, abusing in raw filth, the naval personnel guarding it. But the sailors stood firm and gradually the mob dispersed.
My father had a nasty encounter with another section of the mob. Some suspected he was a Tamil and threatened him. Since my father spoke Sinhala perfectly with the correct diction, they could not detect his ethnicity. Then he was asked to recite a Buddhist Gatha. My father replied truthfully that he was a Christian and not a Buddhist. Someone throttled his neck. My father gasped in Sinhala: “Is it worth your while to kill an old man like me”. He was let off. My father also went back to the Airport camp.

Methodist Clergymen

The van with Methodist clergymen was also accosted by a mob.The Sinhala pastors talked their way out. It was however decided that travelling to Colombo city was dangerous. So the vehicle changed course and reached Moratuwa. My mother and sister were given shelter at a Sinhala Methodist residence in Rawatawatte over the weekend. On 31 July Sunday evening, the Methodist priests took my mother and sister to Hulftsdorp.
They were in for a happy and pleasant surprise. My other sister in Kurunegala had come to Noble Anna’s safe house in Hulftsdorp. She was brought there in a Police jeep thanks to the help of the Sinhala Police officer neighbour. My father and brother also came to Hulftsdorp on Monday. The whole family – except for myself – was united again.
The Hulftsdorp house was full of people as more relatives had flocked there. So it was decided that only the women and children would stay there. My father and brother moved out and subsequently found accommodation at the refugee camp set up at S. Thomas’ College Mt. Lavinia.
My family informed “The Island” that all were safe and that my mother and sisters were at our cousin Noble’s house in Hulftsdorp. I spoke to them by telephone from the Mannar district minister’s office.

Returned to Colombo

I returned to Colombo on 4 August 1983. Muhammed, a Muslim journalist friend in Mannar who was the local correspondent for a Tamil newspaper, had made arrangements with a Muslim businessman to give me a ride to his hometown Kandy. I was to pose as a Muslim relative of his in case there was trouble.
The violence had diminished by then and the journey by car from Mannar to Kandy was uneventful. I got into a Colombo-bound bus from Kandy and went straight to the Island office at Bloemendhal Road. My friends and colleagues were happy to see me.
I plunged into work and started writing immediately under my byline. This was my way of coping with what had happened. Upon seeing my byline in the newspaper, many friends, contacts and news sources began phoning and talking to me.
I stayed in the Island premises, eating at the Sinhala and Muslim restaurants close to the office. I bathed in the shower at the drivers’ quarters and slept at night on the editorial department desks using the newspaper files as” pillows”. My friends Ajith, Prasad and Kule (K.C. Kulasinghe) would keep me company at night.
The editor Vijitha Yapa who had returned to Sri Lanka was worried about my sleeping over in the office and using the drivers quarters to bathe. Vijitha who had for long been a member of the MRA (Moral Re-armament) organisation was concerned about my safety. He was a sensitive soul who broke down and cried in front of me apologising for the hurt done to Tamils by some Sinhalese.
Vijitha put me up in a secluded room at his mother-in-law’s house. He would pick me up in his car in the mornings and drop me off later at night. It was a well-meaning gesture by the editor and my hostess was most kind and considerate. Much as I appreciated their kindness, I was somewhat uncomfortable about imposing myself upon them.
So I returned to my room at Kotahena. It was part of a large hostel with over 30 Tamil boarders. It was now deserted. I slept alone in my room and continued to work at the Island editorial. Gradually others too began returning to the hostel.

Kaddaively

Meanwhile my family tried to return to Ratmalana but our landlord would not allow it saying that he was frequently asked about our whereabouts and warned not to let us return. So my mother and two sisters went by train to my mother’s ancestral village Kaddaively in Jaffna. After some weeks, we shifted our furniture from Ratmalana to Jaffna as our former landlord wanted it removed.
My father returned to Kurunegala while my brother and I continued to live and work in Colombo. After some months my sister had to return to work in Kurunegala or lose her job as a teacher. Under those circumstances my mother and two sisters left Jaffna and returned to Kurunegala.
Thereafter my parents and sisters lived in Kurunegala. My brother and I were in Colombo. The important thing was that all members of the family were safe and had “survived” ‘Black July’. We were blessed in that way.

Down memory lane

This then is the story of my family’s ‘Black July’ experience. It is but one of the many stories of that time. Each tale was different in the details but all were the same in essence. I have tried to narrate our family tale in a detached manner but going down memory lane has been quite emotional and painful.
D.B.S.Jeyaraj can be reached at dbsjeyaraj@yahoo.com

Official Election Notice Next Week

The Chairman of the Election Commission said that the official announcement regarding the scheduling of the Presidential Election is expected to be made next week.

He made these comments during this evening’s Dawasa program on Sirasa TV.

R.M.A.L Rathnayake, the Chairman of the Election Commission, recently highlighted the traditional practices witnessed during an electoral process.

Rathnayake said that auspicious times, directions, and other cultural traditions are adhered to by many candidates when submitting their nominations.

The Chairman remarked, “It is essential to respect these longstanding traditions, which is why such factors will be taken into account when calling for nominations.”

The Chairman also addressed concerns regarding the election date.

While the Commission has the authority to declare elections on July 17th, the actual election cannot take place until after September 17th due to the latter being a Poya Day, a day of religious observance in Sri Lanka when elections are prohibited.

Furthermore, the day following Poya Day, September 18th, poses logistical challenges at temples and other venues designated as polling stations, due to increased activity and movement restrictions.

Rathnayake assured the public that the election date would be immediately after September 17th, ensuring it is the most suitable and feasible option.

The official election notice is expected to be released next week.

HRW Warns Against Continued Use Of PTA; Recommends Sri Lanka impose a full moratorium

Human Rights Watch said that Sri Lankan authorities continue to use the notorious Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) to target perceived opponents and minority communities without credible evidence to support the allegations despite repeated pledges to end the practice.

It added that while some victims have suffered years of arbitrary detention and torture, others are persecuted even after the case against them is dropped.

Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch said that Sri Lanka’s extensive domestic security apparatus routinely uses baseless accusations of terrorism to target innocent people, silencing critics and stigmatizing minority communities

HRW recommends that the government should impose a full moratorium on the PTA and work to repeal it, and the authorities should draft rights respecting counterterrorism legislation in consultation with experts and civil society.

It also noted that foreign partners including the United States, EU, and UK should insist that Sri Lanka abides by commitments to repeal the law.

Human Rights Watch also recommended that the UN Human Rights Council should renew the mandates of resolution 46/1 for reporting and investigating human rights violations in Sri Lanka.

Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch said said that foreign governments seeking to support improved governance and respect for human rights should prioritize action to end the Sri Lankan government’s misuse of counterterrorism powers.

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Mahinda Rajapaksa Hints at SLPP’s Presidential Candidate

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa said that the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) will support President Ranil Wickremesinghe if he decides to join their party for the upcoming presidential election. Rajapaksa, speaking to journalists, expressed confidence in the SLPP’s election strategy, saying, “We have the program to win the election. The good news is that we will win. When the candidate is named, you will know how powerful he is.”

Rajapaksa hinted that the party may once again present a common candidate, While the decision to support President Wickremesinghe isn’t finalized, Rajapaksa confirmed, “Not yet, but if the president is ready to go with us, we will fully support him.”

Justice Minister withholds gazetting of 22nd Amendment

Minister of Justice Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe has instructed his ministry’s secretary not to publish the Gazette notification on the 22nd Amendment to the Constitution until the Presidential Election is held.

However, the Justice Minister has claimed that this decision was made in order to eliminate the uncertainty regarding the holding of the presidential election.

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Gnanasara Thera released on bail

The Court of Appeal today ordered to release Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) General Secretary Galabodaatte Gnanasara Thera on bail pending an appeal.

On March 28, Gnanasara Thera was sentenced to four years rigorous imprisonment by the Colombo High Court for making a hate speech by insulting the religious beliefs of the Muslim community.

Gnanasara Thera was ordered to be released on a cash bail of Rs.50,000 with two sureties of Rs.500,000.

The Colombo High Court had earlier rejected the bail application filed on behalf of Gnanasara thera citing there are no exceptional circumstances revealed before court to release him on bail.

Anil Silva PC with Counsel Iresh Seneviratne, Sanjaya Ariyadasa and Sanjaya Marambe appeared for Gnanasara Thera.

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Will Lankan Presidential election be held and will Ranil contest? By Veeragathy Thanabalasingham

Exactly two years ago, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled the country and resigned from office while overseas amid a popular unrest. Next Sunday will mark exactly two years since the United National Party (UNP ) leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, assumed office after being elected as President by Parliament for the remainder of Rajapaksa’s term.

The trend of political events that we have seen in these two years clearly shows that the political class quickly reverted to its old ways without learning any lesson from the ‘strong message’ delivered by Sri Lanka’s unprecedented popular uprising, the Aragalaya.

‘System Change’ was the main slogan of the people’s agitation. It has lost its true meaning to the extent that all politicians now speak in their own convenient way about system change.

Corruption, malfeasance, authoritarianism and abuse of power have been the cause of political and social decay. If we want to eliminate these evils, the first thing that needs to be done is to abolish the Executive Presidential system.

Leaders of political parties who had spoken loudly about the abolition of the Presidential system are, at present, only aiming to be elected as the next Executive President. It seems that nothing can be expected from the main parties regarding abolition in the first national election after the people’s uprising.

Today’s political debate is dominated by the Presidential election, which is constitutionally required to be held between mid-September and mid-October. Even more so, doubts have arisen whether the election will be held on time.

Postponing elections has always been a talking point since Wickremesinghe became President. The government indefinitely postponed the local government elections that were to be held early last year, citing financial constraints.

Long before his assumption of office as President, during the ‘Yahapalanaya ‘ government as Prime Minister, legal problems were caused by not being able to hold Provincial Council elections. As such there have been no local elections for over a year and no Provincial Council elections for six years since their respective due dates.

People have a strong suspicion that the present government will do everything to avoid going for elections. As a tactic to postpone the elections, government politicians have repeatedly, over the past two years, talked about moves to abolish the Executive Presidential system and the postponement of parliamentary elections.

Even though President Wickremesinghe has repeatedly said that the Presidential election will be held according to the constitution, he is unable to dispel that doubt in the public domain.

There was talk at one point that Wickremesinghe might be inclined to hold Presidential election ahead of schedule. It was then pointed out that constitutional provisions allowed only a popularly elected President to call an early election after four years of his or her five-year term.

More recently, UNP General Secretary Palitha Range Bandara proposed a constitutional amendment to extend the terms of the President and Parliament and hold a referendum to pass it. Wickremesinghe and his party distanced themselves from the proposal.

With less than three months to go before the Presidential election, the controversies that have erupted in recent weeks over the tenure of the President have led to speculation that the election could be disrupted.

The 19th Amendment to the Constitution brought in 2015 to curtail the powers of the President reduced the term of the President to five years. But the clause containing the terms and conditions for extending the term of the President was left at six years without making a suitable change.

In order to extend the term of office of the President, a constitutional amendment must be passed with the support of a two-thirds majority in Parliament and the approval of the people in a referendum. If it is changed from six years to five years in the relevant clause, it should go for a referendum.

Concerned about passing the 19th Amendment without holding a referendum, the government of the day refrained from making the necessary change. The Jaffna District Tamil National Alliance (TNA ) Parliamentarian M.A.Sumanthiran clearly explained this during the debate last week in the House regarding the timely conduct of the Presidential election.

Opposition parties and civil society organizations have raised suspicions that President Wickremesinghe may try to extend his tenure by a year using the legal ‘loophole’.

A businessman from Moratuwa had filed a Fundamental Rights Petition seeking an order preventing the Election Commission from making arrangements to conduct the Presidential election until the Supreme Court’s pronouncement on the tenure of the President. There were various speculations about the people who could have been behind him.

Four days after the Supreme Court rejected his petition earlier last week, a lawyer filed another fundamental rights petition last Friday. In that petition, he asked the Supreme Court to order the postponement of the Presidential election to facilitate holding a referendum for the proper passage of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution as it has not been properly passed by Parliament.

The terms and conditions for extending the term of office of the President are laid down in Article 83 (b) of the Constitution. The cabinet last week approved the proposal submitted by President Wickremesinghe to bring a constitutional amendment to change the phrase ‘ exceeding six years’ to ‘exceeding five years’.

It is against this background that one will, no doubt, view the fundamental right petition of the lawyer. Whether the President or the government has anything to do with that lawyer’s action is anybody’s guess.

Even the political forces against the President may be behind the lawyer with the intention of waging a smear campaign that the President is hell bent on postponing the Presidential election.

The important question now is how the Supreme Court is going to deal with that fundamental rights petition tomorrow.

Later in his term as President in 2019, Maithripala Sirisena sought an interpretation from the Supreme Court on his tenure. Since he was elected as President in January 2015, he approached the Supreme Court in the hope that he would be able to remain in office for six years as the Constitution stipulated that the term of office of the President was six years (although it was later reduced to five years in the 19th Constitutional Amendment) at the time of his election.

However, the Supreme Court in its decision firmly stated that the tenure of the President is only five years. Even though the highest court of the country had said so five years ago, we are witnessing various political dramas about when the next Presidential election will be held.

Apart from simply criticizing the President and the government, the opposition parties have not been able to deal with the matter effectively. It is difficult to understand the need for a debate in Parliament about the election which should be held constitutionally in due time.

Anyway, President Wickremesinghe, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa and Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna(JVP ) led National People Power (NPP ) leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake will be the three main candidates in the Presidential hustings. Among them, Premadasa and Dissanayake announced their candidacy last year and have already started campaigning.

However, Wickramasinghe has not yet openly announced that he will contest the election. There may be reasons on his part. That is another matter. His supporters seem to have doubts that he will contest if he sees that there will be no chance of winning.

He has a history of skipping the Presidential race three times in a row when he saw no chance of winning. But a strange campaign post was seen on social media saying ‘ ENCOURAGE RANIL TO RUN FOR PRESIDENT.’

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AG raises objections against lawyer’s petition against Presidential election

The Attorney General today raised preliminary objections challenging the maintainability of the Fundamental Rights petition filed by a lawyer seeking a declaration that the Presidential election should not be held without a referendum on the 19th amendment to the Constitution.

Deputy Solicitor General Kanishka de Silva informed the Supreme Court that the Speaker certified the 19th amendment to the Constitution on May 15, 2015 and hence there is no legal basis to proceed with this petition.

She made these remarks when the Fundamental Rights petition filed by Attorney-at-Law Aruna Laksiri was called before the Supreme Court three-judge-bench comprising Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya, Justice Arjuna Obeysekera and Justice Priyantha Fernando.

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Sri Lanka to create villages, provide land for 176,000 families living in plantations

Sri Lanka’s cabinet has approved the drafting of a law to create village communities in areas where people mainly descendants of former workers are resident in plantations.

“..[I]’t is expected to introduce a new law amalgamating estate houses and line rooms available in estate areas and creating villages for them,” according a proposal by President Ranil Wickremesinghe, a post cabinet statement.

Jeevan Thondaman, Minister of Water Supply and Estate Infrastructure Development, told Colombo’s Foreign Correspondents that about 176,000 families are expected to get 10 perch blocks of land under the plan.

About 4,777 hectares of land would be required for to give houses for the residents. Plantations collectively had about 205,000 hectares.

The land that is currently occupied by the people, including temples, schools and common areas gazetted as communities or villages.

There are about 115,000 workers employed in plantations, but a total of about 987,000 persons are living in the plantations, made up mostly descendants of former workers.

After privatization, under the Plantations Housing Development Trust, with funding from various sources has already built around 65,000 houses for workers, with 7 perch blocks contributed by the companies.

According to data released by the plantations, on average there are 2.1 employees per household.

However mainly the non-workers are still living in line rooms.

The lack of land and living conditions in line rooms, especially of non-workers has been a matter of concern for many years.

Throughout Sri Lanka’s history, persons from the Indian sub-continent had migrated to the country, displacing the original megalithic civilization of the island with an Indianized culture.

Specialist workers, including today tappers, elephant catchers as well as mercenary armies, war prisoners, traders have moved to the island and eventually settled in later centuries under ancient monarchs.

However, large numbers of the Indian workers who arrived during the British period, were denied formal citizenship after independence, through a citizenship law enacted by a national assembly in the style seen in European nation-states, though they were born in the island and some were returned to India.

The communities in the plantations, which were considered the responsibility of the companies, had their own schools and hospitals, which were not the direct responsibility of the line ministries concerned in the same way as the rest of the country.

The plantations land, once expropriated from the people and foreigners, in a move that is identified with and loss of foreign investment and post independent decline of the island compared to East Asia, which started off behind the island after World War II.

The ruling class is again threatening to re-expropriate the land after companies refused to implement state mandated wages.

Related Sri Lanka to expedite work on law to re-expropriate privatized plantations land

Sri Lanka’s real wages collapsed and inflation rocketed in 2022, after the state money monopoly, mis-managed its note issue in the pursuit of aggressive macro-economic policy.

Ever grateful to India for its timely support, says MP Rauff Hakeem

Sri Lanka Muslim Congress leader and MP Rauff Hakeem on Sunday said that his country is “ever grateful” to India for extending huge financial assistance to Sri Lanka when it faced economic turmoil a couple of years ago.

Although the economy of Sri Lanka bounced back after the Eelam war, the island nation faced a massive economic crisis a couple of years ago because of mounting debts and was unable to settle loans received from foreign nations. It was at this juncture that India extended huge financial assistance to Sri Lanka when it faced the worst economic crisis with severe fuel shortage affecting its citizens. It was due to this timely assistance and support by India that Sri Lanka could manage the crisis, Mr. Rauff Hakeem said and added that his country would be “ever grateful” to India.

Speaking to journalists at the Tiruchi international airport upon arrival from Colombo, Mr. Rauff Hakeem said Sri Lanka had signed an agreement with India to develop wind power plants in the island nation. Asked for his reaction on Narendra Modi becoming India’s Prime Minister for the third consecutive term, Mr. Rauff Hakeem said he felt that more than who had come to occupy power in India, its democracy had emerged victorious.

India being a vast country, elections have been conducted smoothly in multiple phases without any untoward incidents, he said. Although the party of Mr. Modi had formed the government, nevertheless a strong opposition had emerged which augured well for democracy, Mr. Rauff Hakeem said and added that the emphatic victory of the DMK-led alliance headed by Chief Minister M.K. Stalin in Tamil Nadu was indeed an “achievement”.

Source: The Hindu