Author: TELO Admin

The Centre for Human Rights and Research has urged the government to announce the timeline and electoral mechanism for the long-delayed provincial council elections, which have not been held for over a decade.

In a statement issued this week, the Centre called on authorities to make public their plans “without delay,” if they are indeed committed to holding the elections within this year as outlined in the government’s official election manifesto.

Quoting a senior government source, a weekend newspaper reported that the administration is currently considering holding the elections under the previous proportional representation system.

Executive Director of the Centre for Human Rights and Research, Rajith Keerthi Tennakoon, emphasised that provincial councils must once again function as “governance by the people, for the people.”

He added that it is the collective responsibility of all stakeholders to ensure that the elections are held as soon as possible and that elected representatives return to govern these key regional institutions.

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake will travel to the United States on the 22nd of September to attend the United Nations General Assembly.

During his visit, the President is scheduled to engage in bilateral discussions with several heads of state and government officials and will also meet with UN Secretary-General António Guterres.

Upon concluding his engagements in the United States, President Dissanayake will embark on a state visit to Japan on the 26th of Septmeber, at the invitation of the Japanese government.

While in Japan, he will attend the World Expo International Trade Fair on the 27th of this month and hold high-level discussions with senior Japanese officials.

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake met the Provincial Governors and Secretaries on Thursday (11) to discuss matters related to finance, development projects, etc., in the provinces, according to the Presidential Media Division. The President/the Finance Minister meets the representatives of the Provincial Councils (PCs) before preparing the annual national budget.

Ideally, President Dissanayake should have been able to meet the Chief Ministers (CMs) of Provinces at the pre-budget discussions, for it is they who actually represent the people. The Provincial Governors are the President’s representatives, and they do as he says. But the PCs have remained unelected for eight long years, and there are no CMs. Therefore, the President can meet only Provincial Governors at present.

There have been eight nationwide elections since the last PC polls in 2014, and the country has had five governments (including the interim one formed by the NPP in 2024) and five Presidents. When the PC polls will be held is anybody’s guess.

President Dissanayake has said his government does not use the PCs as political instruments to advance his party’s agenda. Ironically, he is exercising control over the PCs through the Governors appointed by him. Until the Local Government polls were conducted in May 2025, after a delay of three years, the Presidents had kept all three tiers of government under their control for three years; besides holding the executive presidency, they controlled the legislature through the ruling parties and the PCs through Provincial Governors and the LG institution through Special Commissioners under the Provincial Governors.

The PCs have been under the Executive President since 2017, when the UNP-led Yahapalana government postponed elections to them indefinitely by amending the PC Elections Act. The Opposition parties, including the JVP, did not vote against the PC Elections (Amendment) Bill introduced for that purpose. In fact, they helped the Yahapalana government secure the passage of that Bill. The SLPP government did not hold the PC polls and postponed the LG polls for fear of losing them. The NPP administration said it would hold the PC polls after the 06 May LG elections. But it has since remained silent on that pledge.

President Dissanayake, at the aforementioned discussion, stressed the need for close coordination between the government and the PCs to implement development projects smoothly. There was absolutely no need for him to make such a call as the PCs are run by his appointees—the Governors. The NPP is running the PCs to all intents and purposes. The situation may change if the delayed PC polls are held.

Government politicians prevaricate when they are asked when the PC polls will be held. Cabinet Spokesman Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa provided an evasive answer to a question about the PC polls, at a recent post-Cabinet media briefing. He said he could not specify a timeframe for the PC elections, but they would be held. Perhaps, the considerable setback the NPP suffered in the LG polls has prompted the government to delay the PC elections further. There is reason to believe that if the NPP had won the LG polls comfortably, it would have gone on to hold the PC elections immediately afterwards.

It behoves the government to reveal when it is going to hold the PC polls, which must not be subjugated to the interests of the NPP. True, the PC system has become a white elephant—a very expensive one at that. But the government should hold elections to the PCs or decide whether to retain or scrap them, as polls monitors have rightly said.

Slain journalist Mylvanagm Nimalarajan was the Jaffna correspondent for Virakesari newspaper and for Sinhala weeklies Haraya and Ravaya

The case of Mylvanagam Nimalarajan’ states that Sri Lanka has systematically protected the murderers and perpetrators of these crimes

Nimalarajan’s daughter in one of the accounts said she has placed hopes on the incumbent government to ensure justice to her father’s murder

As many as 44 media workers and journalists have been killed between 2000 -2010 and a recently launched report titled ‘Killing Sri Lankan journalists: The case of Mylvanagam Nimalarajan’ states that Sri Lanka has systematically protected the murderers and perpetrators of these crimes. The report was launched during an event organised by ‘Families of the Disappeared’ to commemorate the work of this brave journalist and it is an example of the ongoing impunity surrounding the assassination of Nimalarajan. He was the Jaffna correspondent for Virakesari newspaper and for Sinhala weeklies Haraya and Ravaya. He reported for Tamilnet and was a stringer for BBC’s Tamil and Sinhala service. The report underscores the systemic failure to prosecute those responsible, failures that may have tragically enabled further violations, including subsequent targeted killings by suspects who were never brought to justice.

Who is accountable for crimes committed against journalists?

The event commenced by lighting lamps and paying tribute to everyone who had to pay the price with their lives for exposing the truth during the height of the armed conflict. Speaking at the event, Brito Fernando, Families of the Disappeared Chairman and human rights activist said that there are no records to prove the actual number of people who have been subject to enforced disappearances during 1971, 1989 uprisings and during the civil war in the North. “There is a serious concern with regards to accountability around the disappearances and assassinations of journalists. Despite various obligations made at the UNHRC sessions in Geneva, we haven’t achieved anything tangible with regards to the human rights situation in the country, particularly in terms of seeking justice for what happened to Nimalarajan and other journalists. When the incumbent government assumed power many families of victims subject to enforced disappearances had faith about the accountability process and ensuring justice to their loved ones, particularly because these individuals have stayed loyal to the party. Even Nimalarajan’s daughter in one of the accounts said she has placed hopes on the incumbent government to ensure justice to her father’s murder. We have cried and wept enough and we need to seek truth, justice and compensation. There’s a gap between what needs to be done and what could be done and it is important to bridge this gap,” he underscored.

Ongoing impunity on Tamil journalists

N. Vidyadharan, Editor of the Murasu Newspaper had been a close associate of Nimalarajan. Sharing his brief experience with Nimalarajan, he said that after 1990, the situation in Jaffna was different. “There was no social media and news was propagated to people mainly via print or radio. I remember warning him to take care of his life but he couldn’t save his life. Even though some progress has been made on cases such as Prageeth Ekneligoda and Lasantha Wickrematunga, there’s impunity on Tamil journalists. With regards to Nimalarajan’s case it’s easy to investigate and find culprits. The Prevention to Terrorism Act (PTA) was introduced to crush terrorism but state terrorism continues. Tamil journalists are being punished for exposing the truth. If the ruling party is keen to seek the truth we are there to support these investigations,” he added.

According to Chandana Keerthi Bandara, ex-Senior Producer at BBC Sinhala Service Nimalarajan would pedal his bicycle around the military-infested Jaffna peninsula to wherever the story was, be it a scene of a bomb blast, a family searching for their disappeared or powerful politicians engaged in vote-rigging or whether it was Tamils braving the odds to achieve a semblance of ordinary life. In his recollection of Nimalarajan, Bandara states that he had no equipment to file a report online; his community lacked electricity, let alone the internet. “Instead, Nimalarajan wrote these stories by putting pen to paper, with passion and objectivity, then he awaited the telephone call from London and would read them out,” the account read.

A call to end impunity against all crimes

Speaking at the event, senior journalist and media rights activist Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema said Nimalarajan was murdered two years after she joined media. “Back then I worked at The Sunday Leader newspaper and we wrote about his murder. I still recall the story of his sister and I was in complete shock because I was only 20 at the time and it was the first time I heard an incident of this nature. But the fact that justice has not been served to this individual or his family even 25 years later is a something that we should be ashamed of. The murder or disappearance of any individual is a blow to humanity. This report includes faces of 44 journalists who have been shot, murdered or disappeared and each one of them have their own families and parents. They have been bearing the brunt of these atrocities for decades. I remember hanging one of Nimalarajan’s photos in our editorial. As years passed by, the collection of such photographs of journalists increased. In 2009, my own editor Lasantha Wickrematunga was also assassinated and we had to add his photo as well to this collection. When this happened only we realized the trauma experienced by the families. For how long should we keep counting these incidents?” she questioned.

She said that it took a while for people to question who is accountable for these atrocities. “But we ultimately took to the streets and longed to make a change. One such example of change was the change in government in 2015. But I would describe it as one of the biggest betrayals in the history of Sri Lankan politics. People voted for change, for justice. We lit lamps near Lasantha Wickrematunga’s grave and voted at this election. But several years later we are still seeking justice. If we want to progress as an advanced society we need to end impunity against all crimes,” she underscored.

Failures and coverups

The report critically examines how the Sri Lankan justice system responded to Nimalarajan’s assassination, drawing on a detailed analysis of the official court record, from the day after his death until November 2021, when the suspects were released on bail. The report reveals that despite the best efforts of some individuals within the system, the investigation process was never designed or intended to lead to justice and accountability.

Speaking about the government’s response at the UNHRC sessions in Geneva, K. W Janaranjana, senior journalist and Editor-in-Chief of Anidda newspaper said that every September, successive regimes have asked for more time saying that they are a new government etc. in an attempt to delay the process of justice for those who are longing for truth and justice. “This government too will follow a similar path. Today we are talking about media freedom, human rights and so on. But at the time when Nimalarajan engaged in reporting, there was uncertainty hovering around reporters. Prior to his death, the Army referred to him as someone supporting the LTTE. He was blamed for keeping a file of politicians’ names and details. Some even claimed that he was going to submit it to the LTTE. The Eelam People’ Democratic Party (EPDP), LTTE, Army and various racist factions were watching Nimalarajan but despite all these obstacles, Nimalarajan did his reporting without any sort of protection. He is a hero and we need to respect him for his work,” he added.

He further said that Nimalarajan’s house was located in a high security zone. “But his assassins passed through military checkpoints, murdered him and left without leaving any trace. The Jaffna hospital was situated 1-2 km away from his house. When his family members informed the Army about the incident, the Army had said that they would send a jeep. But no jeep arrived and all casualties were taken to hospital in a tractor. While on their way, the shortcut to the hospital was barricaded and they had to take the longer route to reach the hospital. This is how he was assassinated. All facts indicate that this was very well planned,” Janaranjana added.

Shedding light on how investigations could have been expedited, he explained that a scene of crime is an important aspect that could draw links to perpetrators. “But it also depends on the criminal investigator. The report indicates how the investigations attempted to coverup all possible links to perpetrators which is one reason why it had been an uphill task to serve justice to Nimalarajan. The report speaks about the role of the Attorney General and I believe that the role of the judiciary too should be mentioned. Shouldn’t the judiciary be given authority to conduct investigations under special circumstances? One basic approach is to make judgements based on evidence presented in courts. But Sri Lanka doesn’t have the inquisitorial system where a court or judge actively investigates the facts of a case rather than being an impartial referee between opposing parties. Justice wasn’t served for Nimalarajan or his family. But at least his body was there for his family members to perform last rites and mourn his loss. There are thousands of families who haven’t even seen the bodies of their loved ones who have been subject to enforced disappearances,” he said in conclusion.

The report further issues recommendations to the Sri Lankan government, Human Rights Council, Member States and international community, government of UK, media institutions and press freedom groups and to the BBC.

Some of the main recommendations include setting up an independent investigative mechanism with international participation, establishing an independent office of the Special Counsel, engagement with international accountability mechanisms, promotion of victim participation and witness protection, support documentation and legal advocacy, champion public memorialisation and support to the family.

The Sri Lankan Government is urged to proactively seek international support to secure adequate financial, human, and technical resources to carry out mass graves exhumations in full compliance with international standards, as highlighted in the Sri Lanka resolution set to be adopted during the ongoing 60th Session of the UNHRC.

An informal discussion on the draft resolution, set to be adopted, has been scheduled for Monday, 15 September, at the UNHRC.

Numerous cases of enforced disappearances remain unresolved, causing prolonged suffering for the families of the disappeared. The identification of multiple mass grave sites underscores the urgent need for continued investigations, while the independent and effective functioning of the Office on Missing Persons is crucial to ensuring accountability and justice.

The resolution emphasised the importance of a comprehensive accountability process for all human rights violations and abuses committed in Sri Lanka by all parties, including those by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

The UNHRC commended the Government’s renewed approach to long-standing issues, noting the reopening of investigations and prosecutions into emblematic human rights cases, including the Easter Sunday bombings. The Council urged the Government to accelerate these investigations in line with international human rights standards, seek international support to strengthen capacities, and ensure full participation of victims, survivors, and their representatives, along with robust protection for victims and witnesses.

On accountability and justice, the resolution urged Sri Lanka to carry out prompt, thorough, and impartial investigations and prosecutions of all alleged human rights violations and serious violations of international humanitarian law. It encourages the establishment of an independent public prosecutorial body and considers creating a judicial mechanism with a special counsel to address past abuses, ensuring these bodies are fully independent, effective, and robust.

Regarding reconciliation and governance, the Council called on the government to fulfil commitments on devolution of political authority, conduct Provincial Council Elections, and strengthen local governance, particularly in the Northern and Eastern provinces. It also stresses the need to address the root causes of conflict, including militarisation, corruption, and impunity.

The UNHRC welcomed the Government’s commitment to amend the Online Safety Act, acknowledging concerns about its lack of judicial oversight and broad definitions of offences. The Council encourages expeditious amendments to ensure alignment with international standards protecting the right to freedom of opinion and expression. The resolution also notes the commitment to repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and urges a moratorium on PTA detentions until its repeal, with any new laws fully compliant with international human rights obligations.

The resolution stressed the inclusion of victims, survivors, and their representatives in investigations and prosecutions, and calls for safeguarding civil society, human rights defenders, journalists, victims, and families from harassment or reprisals. It also urges the release of lands still occupied by the military or state actors and calls for resolving land disputes in a transparent, impartial, and non-discriminatory manner.

Also, the resolution extended the mandate of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), requesting oral updates at the 61st and 64th sessions, a written update at the 63rd session, and a comprehensive report on progress in reconciliation, accountability, and human rights at the 66th session for discussion in an interactive dialogue.