Author: TELO Admin

A Brit trapped abroad in Sri Lanka after sharing videos of a civil uprising says she is ‘out of hope’ following 13 months hiding from the country’s oppressive Government.

Kayleigh Fraser, 35, had her home in the south Asian island nation raided in August last year by immigration officials who claimed that she was visiting the country on an invalid visa and seized her passport.

But St Andrews woman Ms Fraser, who was visiting the country to study botanical medicine, said this was only brought to her attention after she began sharing videos of the ‘Aragalaya’ (‘Struggle’ in Sinhalese) protests on her Instagram.

Sri Lanka’s supreme court upheld a deportation order issued by officials – but Ms Fraser says she is afraid to surrender to them amid fears that she will be unlawfully detained under the country’s notorious anti-terror laws, which allow individuals to be detained for causing ‘religious, racial, or communal disharmony’.

Later today, North East Fife MP Wendy Chamberlain will meet with Foreign Office officials in the hope of eking out written reassurances from the Sri Lankan government that Ms Fraser will be guaranteed safe passage out of the country.

Until such guarantees are given, Ms Fraser says she cannot come out of hiding.

Speaking to MailOnline, Ms Fraser said: ‘I’m just existing, surviving out here, waiting for something to change. I have no options at all and I’m practically out of hope.

‘Just ensuring I have somewhere to sleep and something to eat are the priority.

‘Internet is a luxury that I’m incredibly thankful to have had decent access to this past month or so.

‘I don’t recognise this as life – it’s existence. It feels like the entire world has abandoned me at the mercy of these madmen in power here.’

Sri Lankans rose up against their government in early 2022, amid spiralling inflation that saw food prices rise by more than 80 per cent. The country still contends with the aftermath of its 25-year civil war, which ended in 2009.

Citizens demanded the resignation of president Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who fled the country in mid-July last year. But his replacement, incumbent prime minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, then ordered a crackdown on civil resistance.

Protesters and media were attacked by police at a protest village in the capital city of Colombo days after Mr Wickremesinghe took power, and others have been arrested without charge under the country’s oppressive Prevention of Terrorism Act.

Amnesty International, along with other human rights groups, have accused the Sri Lankan government of engaging in ‘the harassment and intimidation by state agencies of conflict-affected people, human rights defenders and activists’.

And two weeks later, Ms Fraser’s home in Malabe, a suburb of Colombo, was raided by immigration officials, plunging her into a year of hiding underground, with a trusted network of friends and supporters keeping her safe.

Attempts to discuss the case with the British High Commission in the capital have, she claims, been fraught with issues.

Officials are understood to have told her that they have no further options because she refuses to surrender to the country’s immigration authorities.

But she fears being arbitrarily detained or being charged with a litany of false crimes in order to make an example of her for speaking up.

Nihal Thalduwa, a spokesperson for the Sri Lankan police, told national newspaper The Morning last year that Ms Fraser had been sharing ‘negative content’ on her Instagram.

He said: ‘It is not right for a foreign national to be in our country and share such mass negative content. She is not a journalist either, to be covering the protests.’

Ms Fraser added: ‘I need some kind of assured safe passage via the UK government and their physical presence and assistance to get safely on a plane and off this island.

‘I spoke up for people who were being horrendously abused by those who were entrusted to look after them. So why do I sit here rotting?’

For over a year, human rights lawyer Nagananda Kodituwakku has been fighting Ms Fraser’s case in the courts, seeking the overturning of the deportation order and the return of her passport.

This week, he discussed the case with North East Fife MP Wendy Chamberlain ahead of her meeting with Foreign Office officials.

Mr Kodituwakku told MailOnline: ‘Sri Lanka is a pseudo-democracy where nobody respects the sovereignty of the people and the rule of law.

‘Kayleigh is an upright British national who was very much concerned with the blatant right violations. She used her social media pages to highlight these cases and brought them to the attention of the international community.

‘And she was branded as a foreigner who brought the government of Sri Lanka into disrepute and was issued with an unjustified and unlawful deportation order denying her any right to defend herself.’

Lib Dem MP Ms Chamberlain said: ‘It is clear that Kayleigh wants to come home and I’m working with the Foreign Office to make that happen.

”What I’m seeking is a reassurance from Sri Lankan authorities that she will be able to leave forthwith.

‘The British High Commission has been supporting her for some time but her anxieties, her experiences with Sri Lankan authorities mean her trust is very low.

‘The Foreign Office has said they have had assurances verbally that she will be safe but we want to get them in writing. It’s a distressing time so just getting that clarity will help her get what she wants to happen.’

A Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office spokesperson said: ‘We are providing assistance to a British woman in Sri Lanka and are in contact with the local authorities.’

MailOnline has contacted Sri Lanka’s Department of Immigration and Emigration for comment.

Sri Lanka says it is making progress on human rights, but observers including the United Nations Human Rights Office say the country’s treatment of its citizens is far from where it needs to be.

Volker Türk, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, said earlier this month: ‘More than a year ago mass protests demanded better governance and an inclusive vision for Sri Lanka – in short, a renewal of the social contract.

‘But the potential for a historic transformation that would address long-standing challenges is far from being realised.’

(MailOnline)

The Asgiri Chapter of the Siam Sect yesterday (28) said that it is the responsibility of the Government to take decisions which do not create unnecessary tensions between ethnic groups in its effort to protect archaeological sites in the Northern and Eastern provinces.

A proposal has reportedly been made by the Buddhasasana, Religious, and Cultural Affairs Ministry to allocate three acres outside the Kurundi archaeological site for the purpose of building a Buddhist temple, a Hindu Kovil, and to make such available for public use. The proposal has been made by the Secretary to the Ministry during a recent meeting of the Parliamentary Sectoral Oversight Committee on Religious Affairs and Coexistence.

Speaking to The Daily Morning yesterday, Supreme Sangha Council – Asgiri Maha Viharaya Secretary Ven. Dr. Medagama Dhammananda Thera said that a decision has not been taken so far since the proposal was made very recently, but that it is the responsibility of the Government to make the most suitable decision in the end, which should not lead to tension between ethnic groups.

He added that the Kurundi Viharaya has already been identified as a Buddhist archaeological site even by the Archaeology Department and that therefore, the Government should pay special attention to that factor when making decisions in this regard. He noted that the most important thing is maintaining the coexistence between the different religious and ethnic groups and that therefore, the department should look into the issue very carefully and in a sensitive manner.

Speaking further, he said that both the Asgiri and Malwathu Chapters of the said sect have raised these concerns to the President and the Government on several occasions as the latter have the authority to take the best decision.

Several attempts to contact the Malwathu Viharaya proved futile.

China, more than any other country in the region or elsewhere, offers exchange programmes to the parliamentarians from Sri Lanka.

In the previous Parliament, all 225 members were offered chances to undertake familiarisation tours to China and to engage with the Communist Party of China (CPC) as part of its international engagement. A fair number of MPs from the current Parliament has also travelled to China currently, and more programmes are likely to take place accommodating the rest in the near future. These programmes also include politicians who are not MPs. If not for the Covid-19 pandemic, most would have already visited China. A group of MPs are also in China at the moment.

China, as a rising power with its economic, technological and scientific marvels, has accelerated its international engagements. Sri Lanka, given its strategic pivot in the Indian Ocean, remains key to China’s interests. In one aspect, China wants to showcase its potential to the world and goes by its proverb ‘seeing once is better than hearing a hundred times’. It is a country naturally inclined to present its case to the world in such a manner. The MPs are the ones who matter most in policy formulation and implementation and decision making. Engagement with them is fundamental as a result.

In recent years, particularly after 2015, the CPC has widened its reach across the political spectrum of Sri Lanka. Instead of dealing with the party in power only, it has now begun to promote party to party ties with all. The ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) is used to have ties with the CPC in a major way. In fact, MP Namal Rajapaksa, the son of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, heads Sri Lanka – China Parliamentary Friendship Association. He also led parliamentary delegations to China in recent times.

Before 2015, the Mahinda Rajapaksa government fostered ties with China which financed main infrastructure projects in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka signed up for China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) project doing his time only. Chinese President Xi Jin ping visited Sri Lanka in 2014 and laid the foundation stone for the Colombo Port City. Given such enhanced connectivity, the political opposition even criticized China for what they called ‘a patron of the Rajapaksas’.

Now, China has developed connections with all the mainstream parties. In fact, the Chinese embassy made a cash donation to the charity project being carried out by Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa.

Such an approach is conceivable from the CPC point of view. In a multi-party democracy like Sri Lanka, it is conceivable that the opposition will get back to power at one point. Even-handed approach with all across the political divide matters in that context. Therefore, China is reaching out to all in Parliament without confining its relationship to the party in power only.

The Bar Council of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) has called on the government to immediately withdraw the Anti-Terrorism Bill and the Online Safety Bill which were published in the Gazettes issued on 15th and 18th September respectively.

Issuing a statement on Saturday, the BASL called on the government not to proceed with the said Bills as they seriously impinge on the liberty and freedom of the people and will have a serious impact on democracy and the rule of law in the country.

Following is the full statement of the BASL:

The Bar Council of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) calls upon the Government to immediately withdraw the Anti-Terrorism Bill and the Online Safety Bill which were published in the Gazettes issued on 15th and 18th September respectively, and not to proceed with the said Bills.

At a meeting of the Bar Council held today, it was unanimously resolved that both Bills seriously impinge on the liberty and freedom of the people and will have a serious impact on democracy and the rule of law in the country.

It is observed that both Bills have been introduced without due consultation with the stakeholders including the BASL. Further, the BASL’s observations on the previous version of the Anti-Terrorism Bill have also not been considered.

The BASL calls upon the government to have a meaningful consultation with the relevant stakeholders including the BASL and to take into consideration their concerns prior to proceeding to Gazette such Bills, which have a serious impact on the community at large.

Sri Lanka, a multi-ethnic and multi-religious country, has been facing multiple and endless crises for decades. Effective solutions must be found to resolve the political, economic, cultural and relationship issues between the majority and minority groups that have stifled the country’s progress since independence 75 years ago. A fresh look at the failed unitary government and curtailing the powers of the unaccountable executive presidency is essential if the country’s future is to be changed for the better. Devolution of powers to the regions and better checks and balances between the executive, judiciary, and parliament are indispensable.

It is in this broader perspective that this article should be viewed. The class-based issues that fuel the national question will not be addressed here. Suffice it to say that under neo-liberalism, differences in plural societies are exploited to sustain authoritarian capitalist governance systems that are beset with crises.

Nation building

Nation building is an evolutionary and long-term course of action. It needs to evolve and grow through a consensual internal political process; external intervention will not have much positive impact. Institutions that advocate and protect the fundamental rights of all communities, and citizens’ willingness to maintain harmonious co-existence are crucial for achieving socioeconomic prosperity and equitable society. This requires equitable access to education, jobs, housing and health, among others, for the empowerment of all peoples of a country.

For nation building to be successful, we need to recognize the importance of democratic values within the civic sphere that will develop and sustain it in the long run, as opposed to just emphasizing economic development and state building. There is no room for an ethnocentric approach or imposition of policies and practices by coercive means. The reality is we hear merely meaningless platitudes from the political elite who have very little understanding of this critical need.

Decentralization

Decentralization is increasingly seen as a basic principle of democracy. A system of good governance needs people to have the ability to elect their own leaders and representatives to institutions that wield real power to respond to people’s needs. Political decentralization plays an important role in addressing the democratic deficit in centralized decision making. Grassroots movements championing more empowered local and regional governments have emerged. This is not surprising as an overweening central power has repeatedly failed to meet the needs of the people as attested by the current economic crisis.

Greater participation is assumed to lead to better informed decision-making that are more relevant to the plural societies like Sri Lanka. With political decentralization, citizens will come to better know their representatives and in turn their representatives will be more cognisant of the needs and desires of their electorates. Decentralization transfers responsibility for planning, financing and managing certain public duties from the centre and its agencies to regional ones, thus making it more local and accountable. This can be achieved by de-concentration, delegation, and devolution of authority with each of these having their own characteristics.

It should be noted that centralization and decentralization do not need to be an “either-or” scenario. Practical examples around the globe have demonstrated that an appropriate balance of centralization and decentralization can ensure effective and efficient government service delivery. Centres can play a crucial role in promoting and sustaining decentralization efforts. This can be done by developing proper and effective national policies and regulations needed for decentralization, thus creating the necessary enabling environments that allow regional, provincial, and local units to take on more responsibilities for undertaking new functions.

As a whole, genuine efforts at decentralization can cut cumbersome bureaucratic red tape. It can make local and national public servants more sensitive to local conditions and needs. It allows political representation of diverse political, ethnic, religious, and cultural groups in plural societies in decision-making processes, thus contributing to better political stability and national unity. A growing number of countries have adopted federal systems, decentralizing some elements of government responsibility from the centre down to local government as a means of giving different ethnic and regional groups some autonomy and control over their destiny.

The two insurrections in the south and the three decade long armed conflict in the north and east are examples of the fact that if people are excluded from sharing political power, they are more likely to challenge the legitimacy of the existing system. Federalism or devolution is a means of sharing power among diverse political entities irrespective of their ethnic or regional ties. Democracy will survive better if successes and burdens are shared fairly and equitably.

Sri Lanka’s current political system is based on a winner take all system, where one political party or group monopolises all the privileges and economic benefits. Devolution in contrast allows different ethnic and regional groups the ability to determine their own affairs, thus making them feel more secure. They may gain more confidence in, and commitment to the system, and a general sense that the system is fair and inclusive. Several studies show that decentralization can be instrumental in facilitating development and democratic governance, particularly in multi-ethnic societies. And various forms of decentralization are being successfully used around the world.

Devolution

Historically, governments in Sri Lanka have tended to centralize all powers. Yet, the late 20th century witnessed an increasing global tendency to reduce central governmental power, by devolving power to the peripheral governing bodies such as state, regional, provincial and/or local bodies. Many countries in Europe, Asia, Africa and Latin America have adopted diverse devolutionary measures to empower their plural communities. France in the 1980s and the United Kingdom in the late 1990s are the most appropriate examples. France was one of the most centralised states. All major decisions of the regions, departments, and communes, from annual budgets to naming streets and schools, had to be authorized by the central government. Due to the pressure the peripheries exerted on the central government, the François Mitterrand administration (1981-95) removed most of the authorisations needed in policy making matters.

In the UK devolution became a major political issue in the early 1970s, as Scotland and Wales demanded greater control over their own affairs. A referendum was held in 1979 to determine the people’s will for devolution. It needed the electorate to approve it with a two-fifths majority, but voters in Wales and Scotland rejected it. However, in 1999, under Tony Blair’s regime, power was devolved, Scotland had a parliament, and later Wales a Welsh Assembly. The Good Friday Agreement of 1998 provided Northern Ireland with its own parliament.

In Sri Lanka, proponents of devolution have been demanding clearly defined powers that the Provinces can wield. During the constitutional reform process under the previous regime led by President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe, the Chief Ministers of the seven “southern” provinces asked for proper devolution as envisaged under the 13thAmendment. However, nothing came to fruition.

Source:Groundviews