Author: TELO Admin

France has contributed Euros 500,000 through UNICEF to support Sri Lanka’s efforts to prevent and treat malnutrition among children in the country.

The contribution enables UNICEF, working in collaboration with the Ministry of Health, to provide children under two years of age with the required nutrition services. Parents and caregivers will also be educated on the correct practices to prevent and treat acute malnutrition and ensure the healthy growth and development of their children.

Malnutrition, if not urgently treated, can kill or damage a child’s physical and cognitive development, especially during the first two years of a child’s life, but often also negatively affect opportunities for the rest of their lives.

Hardships brought about by Sri Lanka’s economic situation continue to stalk families, especially the poor and most vulnerable households. Access to a regular and adequate nutritious diet remains out of reach for many young children and their families, putting them at risk of malnutrition.

This contribution enables UNICEF and its partners to among others, to treat 1,500 children who suffer from severe acute malnutrition through provision of therapeutic food.

To provide 120,000 children between 6-23 months with micronutrients to address deficiencies and prevent malnutrition.

To reach 200,000 parents/caretakers with accurate information on proper practices to prevent and treat malnutrition among their children.

“Contributions such as this from France boost our joint efforts to scale up our ongoing response to children in urgent need of treatment for malnutrition as well as help undertake prevention measures”, said Christian Skoog, UNICEF Sri Lanka Representative, while adding, “Every contribution represents a chance for a child to grow up healthy and develop to the productive citizen that Sri Lanka needs”.

UNICEF has remained agile in its work to address the needs of children in Sri Lanka and ensuring that the most vulnerable and their families are cushioned from the worst effects of poverty, COVID-19 and now the economic difficulties.

“The Government of France has a long-standing partnership with Sri Lanka and this contribution through UNICEF is just one demonstration of our shared vision for children and the people of Sri Lanka”, said Jean-François PACTET, Ambassador of France to Sri Lanka and the Maldives.

This contribution is in line with France’s International Strategy for Food Security, Nutrition and Sustainable Agriculture (2019-2024) and its commitment to the “Nutrition for Growth” (N4G) initiative, to ensure healthy, nutritional and sufficient food for all and enable populations to regain their food autonomy. France will host the next N4G Summit in 2024 and is hoping to bring together the main nutrition players for ambitious commitments to combat malnutrition.

Britain’s Channel 4 TV aired the documentary Sri Lanka’s Easter Bombings in its Dispatches programme on Tuesday, September 5, 2023, at 11. 05 p.m.

Prior to the telecast, Channel 4 Dispatches stated that the documentary has “exclusive interviews with high-placed whistleblowers, who allege that some Sri Lankan Government officials were complicit in the bombings.

The Channel 4 documentary featured three ‘whistleblowers’.

One was Hanzeer Azad Maulana the former aide of Tamil Makkal Viduthalaip Puligal (TMVP) leader and Batticaloa District MP Sivanesathurai Chanthirakanthan alias Pillaiyaan, who is currently the State Minister. for Rural Road Transport.

The second was Ex-Police officer Nishantha Silva, the Police sleuth who probed the murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge, and who in the process of doing so, interrogated Gotabaya Rajapaksa intensively.

The third was another top Sri Lankan Govt official, who remained anonymous without his image being shown. Both Azad Maulana and Nishantha Silva are reportedly living in Europe now.

Although three whistleblowers were featured in the documentary, the star among them was Hanzeer Azad Maulana. The allegations levelled by him against persons such as Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Suresh Sallay and Pillaiyan helped the documentary filmmakers to make out their case.

The importance of Maulana’s role in the documentary was acknowledged by Gotabaya Rajapaksa himself. He said in a statement Hanzeer Azad Maulana that the central allegation in the documentary “Hinges on claims made by one Hanzeer Azad Maulana, an applicant for political asylum in Europe.”

It is against this backdrop that this column focuses on whistleblower Hanzeer Azad Moulana.
Who is this former aide to TMVP leader and State minister Sivanesathurai Chandrakantha alias Pillaiyan and why has he dared to take this bold step of blowing the whistle?

Although three whistleblowers were featured in the documentary, the star among them was Hanzeer Azad Maulana. The allegations levelled by him against persons such as Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Suresh Sallay and Pillaiyan helped the documentary filmmakers to make out their case

Maruthamunai

The man known as Hanzeer Azad Maulana hails from Maruthamunai in the Eastern Province. Maruthamunai is a predominantly Muslim coastal area about 360 km from Colombo.
It is part of the Kalmunai Electoral Division within the Amparai District. Hanzeer’s father was Mohammed Aliyar Mohammed Mihilar. Hanzeer’s given name is Mohammed Milhilar Mohammed Hanzeer. Azad Maulana is not his real name. It was a nom de guerre he adopted after joining the Thamil Makkal Viduthalap Puligal(TMVP).
Hanzeer’s father Mihilar was Left-oriented in his political thinking. He also got along well with members of the Tamil community especially those from the adjacent Tamil village Paandiruppu.
The Tamil militant organization Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) had a strong presence in Paandiruppu. This led to Mihilar becoming a member of the EPRLF even before the 1983 July anti-Tamil pogrom.

Mihilar

After Black July Mihilar received arms training at the EPRLF camp in Kumbakonam in Tamil Nadu.
Thereafter he worked for the EPRLF in the Amparai District and was appointed to the Central Committee. The Indo-Lanka accord of 1987 brought about the Provincial Councils scheme through the 13th Constitutional Amendment.

Unlike the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) the EPRLF backed the Indo– Lanka accord and cooperated fully with India to hold Provincial elections in the Northern and Eastern Provinces.
The EPRLF contested the first elections to the Northeastern Provincial Council comprising both the Northern and Eastern Provinces.

Mihilar himself was a candidate. He also campaigned actively for the EPRLF. The EPRLF along with the newly created Eelam National Democratic Liberation Front (ENDLF) formed the first administration of the merged Northeast Provincial Council.

Mihilar however was not elected to the first and only NE PC.

Annamalai Varatharajapperumal became the first Chief Minister of the Northeastern Provincial Council. Mihilar went to Trincomalee and worked as an official at the Provincial Council office.
Things changed after the Indian Army was withdrawn in 1990 March. Fearing a massacre at the hands of the LTTE, most of the EPRLF front liners fled to India. Mihilar was one of them

Padmanabha

Kanthasamy Padmanabha, the amiable Secretary-General of the EPRLF along with many cadres moved to the Orissa (Now Odisha) State.

Mihilar too went to Odisha and served as one of Padmanabha’s bodyguards. The EPRLF continued to maintain its main office at Choolaimedu in Kodambakkam, Chennai.

On June 19th 1990, Padmanabha came to Chennai (then Madras). Mihilar too accompanied him. Padmanabha was at a flat in Zachariah Colony near the EPRLF office in Choolaimedu with some visiting EPRLF stalwarts from Sri Lanka, when the LTTE struck.

A tiger squad led by Kiruban and one-eyed Sivarasan burst in and fired away. Padmanabha and 12 others were killed. Among those killed was Padmanabha’s bodyguard Mohammed Mihilar.

Mihilar had four children, two girls and two boys. Eldest son Hanzeer born in 1983 was only seven when he lost his father. The family was in dire straits. The EPRLF in those days had a trust fund from which it helped the families of members killed by the armed forces or other militant groups like the LTTE. This financial aid was of great help to the family then. Subsequently, Hanzeer’s mother married again.

Douglas Devananda

Mohammed Hanzeer studied at the Maruthamunai Shams Madhya Maha Vidyalaya. He was a bright student who entered Peradeniya University in 2003 to do a Bachelor’s degree course in Agriculture.
Having financial difficulties in pursuing higher studies, Hanzeer turned to Douglas Devananda for help. Douglas who had broken away from the EPRLF, was the leader of the Eelam Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP).

However, Devananda had been the commander of the EPRLF’s military wing known as the Peoples Liberation Army, when he was in the EPRLF. Hanzeer’s father Mihilar was closely associated with Douglas. So, when Mihilar’s son sought his help, the EPDP Leader felt he had to help the son of his erstwhile comrade at arms.

Thinamurasu

The EPDP was then running a weekly paper called the Thinamurasu. Douglas gave Hanzeer a job at Thinamurasu.

Hanzeer Mohammed was fluent in Tamil and English. He was well-read and was a very good writer in Tamil. He was also capable of translating from English to Tamil. So, Mohammed Hanzeer began to work at Thinamurasu, while pursuing his higher education at Peradeniya.

Since he had lectures for only four days a week, Hanzeer would spend three days in Colombo working for Thinamurasu. He wrote political articles under pseudonyms and also translated news and articles from English into Tamil.

Some months later in 2004 Hanzeer dropped out of Varsity and requested Douglas for a job. Devananda was then a Cabinet Minister. The Sri Lanka Cashew Corporation came under his purview.
Former Amparai District MP Markandu Gunasekaran alias Shankar was the Chairman of Cashew Corporation. Hanzeer was appointed as the Chairman’s Secretary.

After some months Hanzeer resumed his studies again and eventually graduated.

The meeting went well. Both Karuna and Pillaiyan took an instant liking to Hanzeer. It was arranged that a monthly stipend would be paid for services rendered. The amount agreed upon was in five figures. This was how Mohammed Hanzeer teamed up with the TMVP

LTTE Split

Meanwhile, the LTTE underwent a major split in 2004 when its Eastern regional commander Vinayagamoorthy Muraleetharan alias Col. Karuna revolted against LTTE Supremo Veluppillai Prabhakaran’s leadership.

The breakaway group known for a long time as the LTTE Karuna faction, aligned itself with the Sri Lankan Govt and its armed forces and intelligence services.

The Karuna faction with State backing took on the LTTE in the East. Karuna’s deputy Pillaiyan (Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan ) based himself in Batticaloa as field commander.

A political party known as the Thamil Eelam Makkal Viduthalaip Puligal (TEMVP) was also formed.
Later the name was changed to Thamil Makkal Viduthalaip Puligal. (TMVP).

After Mahinda Rajapaksa became President in 2005 November, he appointed his brother Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Defence Secretary. The new Defence Secretary utilised the TMVP in a big way in the war against the LTTE. The TMVP was given the green light to function openly as a politico-military outfit.

TMVP

It was at this point that Mohammed Hanzeer’s life changed. He was summoned by Douglas Devananda for a meeting in April 2006. Douglas told Hanzeer about the TMVP going to function independently as a political party. According to Douglas, Karuna’s group had come out of the LTTE and was now trying to proceed on the democratic path.

The EPDP leader told Hanzeer that they must encourage the Karuna Group and said that the TMVP required the support and help of people like Hanzeer. Hanzeer was asked whether he would help the TMVP.

Hanzeer hated the LTTE which murdered his father in Madras.

He also regarded the LTTE which massacred Muslims in cold blood at various places in the east and chased away the Northern Muslims at gunpoint, as a Fascist entity. Since the TMVP had split from the LTTE and was combatting it, Hanzeer agreed to work with the TMVP. This was his way of seeking vengeance for his father

Thereafter a meeting was arranged by Devananda, in which Hanzeer met TMVP leader Karuna and deputy leader Pillayan.

The meeting went well. Both Karuna and Pillaiyan took an instant liking to Hanzeer. It was arranged that a monthly stipend would be paid for services rendered. The amount agreed upon was in five figures. This was how Mohammed Hanzeer teamed up with the TMVP.

Nom de Guerre

Initially, Hanzeer had to adopt a nom de guerre. He was asked to choose a name for himself Hanzeer chose the name Azad Maulana. The name Maulana (some spell it as Moulana or Mowlana) means ‘our master’ and also refers to those regarded as descendants of the Prophet.

In practice, however, those who are not descendants of the prophet also tend to use the name. Many add the name Seyyed or Zeyyed to it as a prefix.

In Sri Lanka, there have been quite a few Muslim politicians with the name Maulana like former Minister Alavi Moulana, former Batticaloa MP Ali Zaheer Moulana and ex-Senator Mashoor Moulana, who, like Hanzeer, is from Maruthamunai.

In Hanzeer’s case, his choice of Azad Maulana was inspired by the great Indian educationist and freedom fighter Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, who was generally known as Maulana Azad or Azad Maulana. Azad opposed the creation of Pakistan and was a symbol of Hindu-Muslim unity.

Spokesperson

Mohammed Hanzeer now known as Azad Maulana’s duties in the TMVP were three-fold. He had to work as a journalist on the Tamil fortnightly Thamil Alai. He had to teach young members of the TMVP the political history of Sri Lanka with particular emphasis on the ethnic crisis. Most importantly he was appointed the accredited spokesperson of the TMVP. Hanzeer was proficient in Tamil and English and reasonably fluent in Sinhala.

Soon, Azad Maulana became a public figure giving media interviews and conducting press conferences.

He was also the public face of the TMVP. As time went on TMVP leader Karuna began to use Azad Maulana as an interpreter in dealings with the Government, Govt officials, members of the armed forces and Intelligence Service personnel Azad Maulana’s influence and importance grew and he became almost indispensable to the TMVP.

The TMVP asked him to move from his residence in Panadura to the two-storeyed TMVP office premises in Narahenpita. Apart from an increase in his monthly stipend, Azad Maulana was given two cell phones and a motorcycle for his use by the TMVP.

Also, he was absorbed into the TMVP party hierarchy and made a Central Committee Member.

Mohammed Hanzeer now known as Azad Maulana’s duties in the TMVP were three-fold. He had to work as a journalist on the Tamil fortnightly Thamil Alai. He had to teach young members of the TMVP the political history of Sri Lanka with particular emphasis on the ethnic crisis. Most importantly he was appointed the accredited spokesperson of the TMVP. Hanzeer was proficient in Tamil and English and reasonably fluent in Sinhala

Coordinating Secretary

In 2007 there was an internal coup in the TMVP resulting in Karuna being ousted. Pillaiyan became the new leader.

Azad Maulana latched on to Pillaiyan, who also needed Azad. In 2008, elections were held for the Eastern Provincial Council, The TMVP contested as part of the United Peoples’ Freedom Alliance (UPFA).

In an unexpected move, Pillaiyan became the first Chief Minister of the Eastern Province. Pillaiyan appointed Azad Maulana as his Coordinating Secretary in addition to being the TMVP Spokesperson.

Everything seemed hunky-dory for Mohammed Hanzeer alias Azad Maulana. What happened thereafter will be related in the second part of this article next week.

D.B.S. Jeyaraj can be reached at dbsjeyaraj@yahoo.com

Fishermen in Rameswaram went on a strike on Saturday demanding the release of eight Rameswaram fishers arrested by the Sri Lankan authorities.

All the 800 odd fishing vessels were moored at the fishing jetty and fishermen did not collect the fishing tokens.

The Sri Lankan navy on Wednesday night detained 17 fishermen — eight Rameswaram fishermen and nine fishers from Pudukkottai district — on charges of poaching in the territorial waters of the island nation. The Sri Lanka navy seized the three fishing boats from them.

The fishermen were produced before a Lankan court in Jaffna and lodged in prison after the court remanded them in judicial custody till September 27.

Condemning the repeated arrests of fishermen by the Sri Lankan navy, the fishermen associations called for a strike on Saturday. “The state government and the Centre should expedite diplomatic measures to release our fishermen and the fishing vessels confiscated by Sri Lanka,” said fishermen leader P Jesuraja from Rameswaram.

Sri Lanka navy has seized 17 trawlers and apprehended 110 Indian fishermen so far in 2023. While the Lankan courts usually release the fishermen on conditional bail that they should never return to Sri Lanka for fishing, the fishing crafts are not returned to the boat owners.

Source: The Times of India

The British Foreign Office announced that a large number of foreign embassies in London, including the Sri Lankan High Commission, owe the country millions of pounds in unpaid congestion charges.

Parliamentary Under-secretary (Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office) David Rutley in a written reply to UK Parliament said that the overall amount of the debt now totals more than £145 million. Accordingly, the Sri Lankan High Commission in London owes an amount of £652,120 as a total outstanding.

However, according to Under-secretary Rutley, there are no legal grounds to exempt diplomatic missions and international organisations from the London Congestion Charge, which is comparable to a parking fee or toll charge they are required to pay.

“under the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, diplomats have an obligation to respect the laws and regulations of the receiving State. The British Government therefore expects all diplomatic missions to respect UK laws and regulations, which includes payment of the Congestion Charge,” he stated.

Among the other countries are the US, Japan, Poland, France and Germany. The London congestion charge is a fee charged on most cars and motor vehicles being driven within the Congestion Charge Zone in Central London between 7 a.m. and 6 p.m. Monday to Friday and between 12 noon and 6 p.m. on weekends.

On the opening day of the 54th session of the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) on September 11, member states were considering yet another report detailing abuses by the Sri Lankan regime.

“One year after the remarkable protest movement demanding deep political and democratic reforms, the transformation that was hoped for to address long-standing challenges has still not materialised,” United Nations Deputy High Commissioner Nada Al-Nashif said. “Accountability is central to secure Sri Lanka’s present and future.”

Predictably, during the interactive dialogue which began immediately afterwards and continued after a break, the government was dismissive, although the issues raised echoed the concerns of numerous Sri Lankans and the evidence of rights violations was extensive.

Verité Research reported that by the end of August, the government had fulfilled only 19.4% of the 36 practical commitments in HRC Resolution 30/1 co-sponsored by Sri Lanka and adopted in October 2015. These fell into five broad categories: rights and rule of law (15 commitments), transitional justice and reconciliation (9), security and demilitarisation (7), international engagement (3) and power sharing (2). There had been “poor” or “no” progress on 61.1% of the commitments after eight years.

Willingness to take action to advance human rights had been confirmed in later resolutions 34/1 in 2017 and 40/1 in 2019, again co-sponsored by the Sri Lankan state. In February 2020, the government withdrew from co-sponsorship of these HRC resolutions. Those in charge have continued to fend off scrutiny by the HRC; supposedly they care deeply about the rights and freedoms of Sri Lankans and do not need any international bodies to tell them what to do. If that were truly the case, those past problems would have mainly gone away but instead most remain and, in certain regards, matters have become worse.

Strong criticism and weak excuses

Nada Al-Nashif outlined key points from the highly critical report by the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, painting a sombre picture of the many ways in which ordinary Sri Lankans had been let down yet again by those wielding power over them.

Those failed by national leaders include people facing poverty, those wishing to exercise their right to vote in delayed local elections and wanting basic freedoms such as the right to protest, ethnic and religious minorities whose security and dignity is being further undermined, victims of war and their families still waiting for justice or at least answers and often targeted for harassment as well as those wanting the truth about the 2019Easter Sunday bombings.

In reply, Himalee Arunatilaka, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka, offered an implausibly rosy portrayal of the situation of the island’s people under the current government. Supposedly economic, social and financial stabilisation, with democratic resilience, had been achieved and tangible progress was being made on human rights. According to her, outside interference was unwarranted (other than, presumably, those forms which might serve the regime’s interests).

A few other states were on the regime’s side including the Philippines, Cuba, Pakistan and China. They took issue with what they saw as unjust attempts to impose accountability from outside. But many HRC members were critical, while seeking to be constructive and couching their criticisms in suitably diplomatic language. These included the government of the UK on its own behalf referring to the uncovering of yet another mass grave and on behalf of the Core Group tasked with examining the Sri Lankan situation. In the view of India’s leadership, not enough progress had been made towards fulfilling the aspirations of Tamils for equality and dignity. The government of Aotearoa New Zealand mentioned that elections were overdue.

Non-governmental organisations too helped to give voice to the fears and sorrows of the numerous Sri Lankans who had been marginalised or victimised by those in charge. These included the International Commission of Jurists and the International Federation for Human Rights. “The High Commissioner’s report gives a glimpse behind the façade put up to cover the deepening impunity, systematic repression of dissent, continuing violations of in war affected regions and communities, and deepening economic inequality in the country,” the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development declared. “In absence of any possibility of accountability through domestic mechanisms, the Council remains an important avenue of hope of justice for the tens of thousands of victims of past atrocities and of successive governments.”

Also on September 11, the Committee on Enforced Disappearances opened its 25th session. Again, Sri Lanka was one of the countries of concern.

Wide coverage of further allegations relating to the 2019 Easter Sunday terror has added to the government’s woes. On September 13, the ambassador claimed that adequate measures were being taken to establish the truth although it is unlikely that many people really believe that the current leadership would be willing to take on the Rajapaksas, who continue to wield considerable power.

Time and again, the regime’s promises of genuine change have proved hollow. Rhetoric and impressive sounding initiatives have come up against harsh reality as large numbers of Sri Lankans continue to face unnecessary suffering with no immediate prospect of an end to human rights abuses.

Source: Ground Views