Ranil visits Mahinda at Carlton House in Tangalle

A meeting between former President Ranil Wickremesinghe and former President Mahinda Rajapaksa took place this morning (28) at Carlton House in Tangalle.

The meeting took place while former President Ranil Wickremesinghe was en-route from Kataragama to Colombo, according to a statement from the United National Party (UNP) media unit.

During the meeting, former President Ranil Wickremesinghe expressed his gratitude to former President Mahinda Rajapaksa for the role he played during the period when Wickremesinghe was imprisoned.

Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe also took steps to inquire about Mahinda Rajapaksa’s health and well-being during his visit to Carlton House, statement added further.

CID wants Navy chief summoned to court in disappearance case

The CID has sought an order that Navy chief be summoned to courts over his repeated failure to submit documents in connection with the disappearance of a man 15 years ago.

Polgahawela magistrate Udumbara Dassanayake on 24 September took up the case of Kegalle resident Shantha Samaraweera, who was abducted and detained at the ‘Gun Site’ underground torture chamber in Trincomalee.

The magistrate said a decision would be given at the next hearing, on 08 October.

Two accused in the case, former Navy commander Nishantha Ulugetenna and ex-intellingence chief Sarath Mohotti, were presented to the hearing via zoom.

The CID informed the court the Navy chief was disregarding requests since last October for documents needed in the investigation.

The presence of Achala Seneviratne, lawyer for the aggrieved party, was challenged and her clarification that she was appearing on the instructions of Samaraweera’s sister was accepted by the court.

The two accused were remanded further.

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President Anura Kumara Dissanayake at the 80th Session of the United Nations General Assembly Full speech

Full speech – President Addresses 80th Session of UN General Assembly

• Let us commit ourselves to creating a safe world for future generations

– President urged world leaders

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, addressing the 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly, urged world leaders to commit themselves wholeheartedly to building a safe world for future generations. The President stressed that nations must walk hand in hand, not apart.

Speaking at the UN Headquarters in New York on the 25th morning Sri Lanka time, the President expressed deep concern over the ongoing humanitarian catastrophe in the Gaza Strip. He called for an immediate ceasefire, the unhindered delivery of humanitarian aid and the release of hostages by all parties, in line with agreements reached by the United Nations and other stakeholders. He further emphasized that strong international pressure must be applied to halt the continuing violence and killings.

Furthermore, President Dissanayake emphasized in his address the issue of poverty, which has led to numerous global challenges. He asserted that both inequality and poverty ought to be regarded as a worldwide catastrophe that requires urgent attention.

The President emphasized the constructive measures implemented by Sri Lanka to address the global drug issue, a multifaceted challenge impacting millions worldwide. He urged world leaders to collaborate in advancing the global initiative aimed at eradicating the drug menace, which endangers global health, democracy, politics and the overall well-being of society. He proposed stricter enforcement of laws against traffickers, limiting their ability to migrate across borders and establishing more rehabilitation centers for drug addicts.

Turning to corruption, President Dissanayake described it as a destructive force that undermines development, democracy and social well-being while perpetuating poverty. He noted that Sri Lanka has already embarked on this difficult but essential fight for the sake of future generations and urged all countries to embed the culture of anti-corruption within their governance.

Concluding, the President said that the Sri Lankan people, who have chosen the path of light over darkness, are united around the vision of “A Thriving Nation – A Beautiful Life.” He explained that this historic goal is being advanced step by step through corruption-free and ethical governance, poverty eradication, digitalization and environmental sustainability, with equal emphasis on strengthening education and healthcare.

The full speech delivered by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake at the 80th Session of the United Nations General Assembly is as follows:

Madam President, Mr. General Secretary, honoured invitees and distinguished delegates,

Allow me, Madame Annalena Baerbock, representing the beautiful country of Germany, to begin my speech by offering my warmest congratulations to you on being elected the President of the 80th session of this organisation, formed with the noble aim of bringing about a just and lasting peace among the nations of the world.

I would also like to use this opportunity to express my country’s appreciation to His Excellency Philemon Young for the exceptional leadership he provided during the 79th session. We are gathered here today to plan the future path of this organisation, which has worked tirelessly for eight decades to bring about a world of peace.

It is my honour to address this August Assembly for the first time as the President of Sri Lanka.

As representatives of nations, we all bear the responsibility to work towards fulfilling the aspirations of our people. The decisions we make now will impact people across the world and play a decisive role in the future of this planet, our common home.

Distinguished delegates,

Our decisions will have a very important impact on our future. Poverty, a tragedy as old as human civilisation, has accompanied humankind on its journey through time. For centuries, countries across the world have faced this painful and relentless struggle. Poverty and problems stemming from it are also casting an oppressive shadow on our future. This assembly must pay special attention to eradicate extreme poverty. I believe our conscience dictates us to do so.

Distinguished delegates,

For centuries, many countries in the world are struggling against poverty. Poverty is a terrible enemy with many faces. Even as we gather here in the countries we represent, including in my own, children are suffering from hunger. A child’s right to education is an internationally accepted fundamental right.

This right is enshrined in the constitutions of most of our nations. Yet, across the world, poverty has denied this right to hundreds of thousands of children. In a world which boasts of its technological advances, how can there be children without access to education? Education is the foundation of every great nation.

It is the most vital factor deciding one’s future. We firmly believe that investment in education is an investment in global progress. Many developing countries are constrained in their struggle against poverty by indebtedness.

Low-income countries allocate twice as much on debt servicing than on education or healthcare.

Our people and our countries are caught in debt traps. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development pledges to leave no one behind and to reach the last first. The Agenda acknowledges the most critical challenge before the world is the challenge to end poverty.

I would also like to recall the decisions taken at the Global Summit for Social Development in Copenhagen in 1995.

However, wars and political upheavals and the COVID pandemic have obstructed the fulfilment of these hopeful agendas. I propose to you that the time has come to accept that inequality and poverty are a global catastrophe and we should act accordingly.

Madam President, esteemed guests,

Drugs and organised crimes linked to drugs have become a serious concern to this world. This has been acknowledged in the World Drug Report 2025 published by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime.

The drug problem is a complex issue affecting millions of people globally. The market for drugs and the related criminal organisations are creating issues globally. Drug cartels are turning entire states into their hunting grounds. They pose a major threat to global health and politics and eventually global well-being as well.

While Sri Lanka is taking effective steps to address this challenge, I respectfully request all of you to join in the effort to implement the global agenda on drugs and crime.

I bring to your notice the need to implement the law strictly against these drug traffickers and prevent drug traffickers from taking refuge in our countries and also to set up rehabilitation centres for rehabilitation purposes.

Madam President, honoured guests,

We regard corruption as an epidemic causing widespread harm to broad swathes of society. We believe corruption to be an obstruction for development, a decisive threat to democracy and global well-being and also a cause for poverty. Let me remind you that fighting corruption is dangerous, but not fighting corruption is even more dangerous.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 was a remarkable victory for the people of the world. Civilisational achievements were never accomplished overnight. They were all results of unwavering efforts and sacrifices. And the struggle against corruption is also a difficult one. We must take the necessary steps here. The first step may be difficult, but if the courageous first step we take is correct, a thousand steps will follow. That is what I believe.

Madam President, delegates, be brave. All the rest will follow.

Sri Javaharlal Nehru has once stated so. I represent a small island of nearly 22 million people. Sri Lanka’s population is about 0.30 of the global population. It is true that we are small in size and in numbers, yet we have begun the struggle against corruption for the future generations of our country and the world. I propose that an integral part of the culture of all UN member countries should be to fight against corruption.

Madam President,

I feel confident that all of you will join me in condemning war. There is no nation in the world that desires a war. The result of a war is a tragedy wherever it happens. We all know that. Even now, many countries of the world are experiencing the pain of that tragedy. As a country that lived through a three-decade war, we know well the futility of war. No one who sees the pain and the suffering of parents, spouses and children of the victims of war would never dream of another war.

We have witnessed these painful sights with our own eyes. Even as suffering caused by conflict has reached unprecedented levels, the international community has become reduced to bystanders.

Opportunistic power politics has turned the lives of children and innocent civilians into a game. No one has the right to inflict pain and suffering on another to enhance one’s own power. The duty of a ruler is not to destroy lives but to protect them.

We are deeply distressed by the ongoing catastrophe in the Gaza Strip. Gaza has been turned into an open prison full of pain and suffering, echoing with the cries of children and the innocent civilians. The United Nations Organisation and all related parties must work towards an immediate ceasefire, enable adequate humanitarian aid to these areas and to ensure the release of hostages of all parties. We recognise the Palestinian people’s inalienable right to their own state.

We also believe that legal, security and humanitarian concerns of Israel and Palestinian people need to be acknowledged.

Sri Lanka reiterates the importance of early implementation of the UN General Assembly resolutions regarding a two-state solution on the basis of the 1967 borders. The time has come for the international community to stop being a mere spectator and to move decisively to end the suffering of millions.

Religious extremism and racism have been major causes of wars and conflicts, bringing suffering to millions of people. Although a century has passed since the abolition of slavery, the poison of racism still lingers in many places. Extremist and racist ideas are as deadly as epidemics. We must ask ourselves how these extremist and racist ideas survive like sparks under the ashes in a world that has witnessed so many advances on so many fronts.

I believe that we must awaken our conscience to oppose racism and religious extremism in protection of human rights and freedoms. We must be brave enough to speak up for peace. We must not be afraid to speak up against war. We must be afraid to speak up for war. In a world where millions of children die of hunger, we spend millions on weapons. When tens of millions die of inadequate health facilities, hundreds of millions are spent on futile wars. When hundreds of thousands of children are denied the right to an education, millions are spent on invading another’s land.

If every inch of this world can be turned into peaceful communities, what a wonderful world would it be. As a country that suffered the horrors of war for decades, where families still weep in remembrance of their loved ones, we have a duty to make that heartfelt proposal.

I would like to remind you that at the last election, the people of Sri Lanka decided in favour of a centuries-old dream. A legislature has been established according to that decision, reflecting the ethnic and religious diversity of the country.

A parliament has been established with women and other marginalised communities in representation. We believe that the duty of legislatures is to develop the country and the people, not to develop themselves. And we have established that idea.

Madam President, distinguished guests,

Our people have chosen light over darkness. They have given their approval to realise the vision of a thriving nation, a beautiful life. To fulfil this historic mandate, we have focused on establishing non-corrupt administration, poverty eradication, and digitalisation. And we have also placed great emphasis on education health as well. We are moving towards these goals step by step. Digital democracy is one of our aims.

Ensuring that every person and every country can enjoy the opportunities of the digital age is a global challenge. If we succeed in our task, we will be able to open doors to technology, accelerate development, and to strengthen governance. If we fail, technology will turn into one more force, worsening inequality, insecurity, and injustice.

The digital gap between states that can and cannot establish access to digital tools is clear. An even greater gap is being created in relation to artificial intelligence. Sri Lanka and many other developing nations in Asia and also many other nations are facing challenges in using AI as a development tool due to the inadequate infrastructure facilities.

Madam President, distinguished delegates,

I ask the international community to work together and we have to develop a dignified society, a dignified world. I present this August assembly a proposal to set up a neutral sovereign Artificial Intelligence zone. We must build a new and better world, a world which represents the dignity of humankind. You as members of this assembly must be the architects of that better world.

As President Harry Truman stated on the occasion of founding the United Nations, in your hands rests our future. We must not act in fear or under compulsion, but with hope for a better and more secure world.

Today we must commit ourselves not to lead the world to another disaster, but to make it a better place for the next generation.

I have dreams and expectations for my country. Similarly, you have dreams and expectations for your countries. My dream is to ensure that my people are rich and they have happiness. I believe that you too have such dreams. We must try to achieve these dreams not in competition with each other, but by working arm in arm, peace, dignity, and equality on a healthy planet. That is the motto of the United Nations organisation. Therefore, let us become the true healers of the world.

Thank you very much.

President’s Media Division (PMD)
25.09.2025

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On Reconciliation: Listening To India Is Always Good For Sri Lanka By A. Jathindra

As speculation swirls over whether Sri Lanka’s National People’s Power (NPP) government will hold provincial council elections next year, a bigger question looms: Will the NPP genuinely move forward with these elections, or is it preparing to abolish the provincial council system altogether, despite repeated assurances? Against this backdrop, India has once again reaffirmed its long-standing position—insisting that the full implementation of the Thirteenth Amendment to Sri Lanka’s Constitution is crucial for the country’s unity and stability. India’s recent statement at the 60th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) is not mere diplomatic routine, but part of a decades-long commitment to Sri Lanka’s reconciliation process.

This year, India’s call was echoed by other influential international stakeholders, including the United Kingdom and Canada. These “core group” countries jointly underscored the urgency of early provincial council elections and the further devolution of power in accordance with the Thirteenth Amendment. The message is clear: meaningful devolution and genuine reconciliation are indispensable for Sri Lanka’s future.

Speaking at the UNHRC in Geneva, Anupama Singh, First Secretary at India’s Permanent Mission, summed up India’s enduring support: “As a close friend of Sri Lanka and an immediate neighbour with deep-rooted ties, India has remained steadfast in its support for relief, rehabilitation, resettlement, and reconstruction in Sri Lanka since 2009.”

She continued, “India believes that meaningful devolution and genuine reconciliation, through an inclusive approach, would contribute to nation-building and durable peace. Progress in these areas will benefit all communities in Sri Lanka and reinforce the strong foundation of friendship and trust between our nations.”

As Sri Lanka’s closest neighbour and most influential regional partner, India has long advocated for the full implementation of the Thirteenth Amendment—a provision born from the historic Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987. This accord was intended to devolve power and foster inclusive governance—goals that, decades later, have yet to be realized.

After intensive negotiations from 1985 to 1987, both moderate and militant Tamil factions agreed to India’s proposed framework for devolution. However, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) ultimately rejected this path, charting their own violent course until their eventual military defeat in 2009. With the LTTE gone, the Indo-Lanka Accord remains the only credible foundation for lasting peace—if, and only if, Sri Lanka’s leaders on both sides are truly willing to bridge the country’s deep-seated divides.

Critics of India’s involvement in Sri Lanka often argue that the Thirteenth Amendment is a purely internal matter and that outside interference is unnecessary. On the surface, this argument appears logical. Yet, it overlooks the root cause of persistent international concern: Sri Lanka’s repeated failures to seize opportunities for reconciliation and its prolonged political impasse.

Had the country’s leaders sincerely treated the Thirteenth Amendment as a domestic issue, they would have either implemented it or replaced it with a superior solution. Their collective inaction instead highlights the shortcomings of the political elite—lending legitimacy to continued external engagement.

When the civil war ended in 2009, Sri Lanka—praised by the UNHRC with India’s backing—had a golden opportunity to resolve its ethnic strife within the framework of its own constitution. But the opportunity was squandered. Responsibility rests not only with the Rajapaksa government, but also with the Tamil National Alliance, which struggled to adapt to democratic politics after the defeat of the LTTE. Even after a new government took office in 2015, the country once again failed to advance the Thirteenth Amendment, allowing another crucial opportunity to slip away.

India’s position has always been consistent: resolving Sri Lanka’s ethnic question is not only in India’s interest—it is fundamentally in Sri Lanka’s own best interest. As Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar has pointed out, “It is in Sri Lanka’s own interest that the expectations of the Tamil people for equality, justice, peace and dignity within a united Sri Lanka are fulfilled. That applies equally to the commitments made by the Sri Lankan government on meaningful devolution, including the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution.”

For sixteen years since the end of the war, New Delhi has encouraged Tamil parties to unite, and both sides to negotiate in good faith. Yet, no reconciliation measure as substantial as the Thirteenth Amendment has moved forward. India has also advised Tamil leaders not to make unrealistic demands—such as merging the Northern and Eastern provinces—acknowledging that such proposals are now “water under the bridge.”

The critical question now facing Sri Lanka is whether its leaders will finally deliver on the promise of the Thirteenth Amendment, or allow history to repeat itself. Until genuine progress is made, international actors—including India—will continue to press for reconciliation and inclusive governance.

Sixteen years after the war’s end, Sri Lanka has yet to achieve meaningful reconciliation with its minority Tamil population. In this context, India’s message is unequivocal: Colombo should resolve the national question by implementing the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution—not for India’s benefit, but for Sri Lanka’s own future.

*A. Jathindra is a Sri Lankan-based independent political analyst and head of a think tank, Centre for Strategic Studies – Trincomalee (CSST)

Source:colombotelegraph

Sajith warns statement to UN by Easter attack victim’s father could harm Sri Lanka

Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa has warned that a statement made to the UN human rights office by a grieving father of a child killed in the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings could harm Sri Lanka.

Speaking in Parliament, Premadasa said the father of Vihanga Tejan, one of the victims of the attack at Colombo’s Shangri-La Hotel, had expressed dissatisfaction to the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) over the lack of progress in investigations.

“This is harmful for the country,” Premadasa said, urging the government to act decisively to restore confidence among victims’ families. “You must take steps to reassure the victims and give them the credibility they seek.”

Premadasa also called for the release of internal government documents that led to the dismissal of a no-confidence motion against Deputy Defence Minister Aruna Jayasekara.

Opposition lawmakers brought the motion in August, citing serious concerns over Jayasekara’s alleged involvement and potential conflicts of interest related to the Easter Sunday investigations.

While maintaining that he held “no personal issues concerning Aruna Jayasekara,” Premadasa stressed the need for procedural transparency and public accountability in how the government handled the motion’s rejection.

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President meets UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in New York

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who is in the United States to attend the 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly, met with UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk on the afternoon of September 23 (US time) at the Human Rights Council Auditorium of the United Nations Secretariat, the President’s Media Division (PMD) said.

High Commissioner Türk extended a warm welcome to President Dissanayake, and the two engaged in bilateral discussions.

The meeting was attended by Minister of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Employment and Tourism Vijitha Herath, as well as Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations and former Chief Justice, President’s Counsel Jayantha Jayasuriya.

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Bilateral ties highlighted as Sri Lanka, India meet at UNGA

A meeting between Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath and Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar was held in the United States on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) session.

In a post on his official X account, Minister Herath said the discussion reaffirmed the strong friendship and close cooperation between Sri Lanka and India.

Herath is accompanying President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to New York, where the President is scheduled to address the UNGA at 3.15 p.m. local time today (24). The Presidential Media Division said the President will also hold bilateral talks with UN Secretary-General António Guterres and several world leaders during his visit.

Meanwhile, Minister Herath also met with U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Alison Hooker. The discussion focused on strengthening bilateral cooperation and advancing shared priorities between Sri Lanka and the United States.

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AKD Meets Trump’s Special Envoy for South & Central Asia

Sri Lanka’s President Anura Kumara Dissanayake held discussions with Sergio Gor, Special Envoy for South and Central Asia appointed by former U.S. President Donald Trump, and Director of the White House Presidential Staff.

The meeting in New York City focused on enhancing cooperation in trade, commerce, tourism, and investment, with both parties expressing interest in expanding collaboration across these vital sectors.

President Dissanayake was accompanied by Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath and Permanent Representative Jayanta Jayasuriya during these high-level discussions.

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Indian High Commissioner visits ex-President Mahinda Rajapaksa at Carlton House

High Commissioner of India to Sri Lanka Santosh Jha has visited former President Mahinda Rajapaksa at his private residence in Hambantota today.

The High Commissioner during the meeting with the former President at Carlton House has held discussions pertaining to India-Sri Lanka bilateral cooperation.

The duo has also held talks on recent political developments in Sri Lanka.

Sri Lanka AKD’s 1-year: broken promises, modest gains, and lingering questions – ECONOMYNEXT

When Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) swept into office a year ago, it marked the first time a leftist leader from the National People’s Power (NPP) had captured Sri Lanka’s presidency.

Riding a wave of frustration with mainstream parties and promising a “new political culture,” Dissanayake presented himself as the face of accountability, anti-corruption, and people-centered governance after years of economic hardship and elite impunity.

Ordinary citizens measure a government by their daily hardships. By this yardstick, many feel disappointed. Many people still praise AKD’s anti-corruption policies and some accountability measures. However, they complain that their cost of living has not reduced much. Others, especially youth who voted for change, express frustration that systemic issues are unchanged.

Polls indicate a dip in AKD’s popularity from the euphoria of election night. Opposition parties sense an opening, accusing him of betraying his own voters.

One year into office, President Dissanayake’s scorecard is a patchwork: modest gains on macro stability, welfare, and foreign policy; stalled progress on political reform and anti-corruption; and glaring failure on cost-of-living relief.

He faces a stark choice in year two: either use his political capital to deliver visible change, mainly in easing people’s burdens, or risk becoming another chapter in Sri Lanka’s long story of broken promises.

Twelve months later, his administration faces mixed reviews. Some of his campaign pledges like trimming presidential powers, pursuing corruption investigations, and expanding welfare, have seen partial traction. But on crucial fronts such as economic relief, public sector reform, and debt restructuring, expectations have collided with harsh realities.

Here is a scorecard of AKD’s first year, measured against his own promises.

1. Abolishing the “Executive Presidency” – Not Fulfilled

One of Dissanayake’s loudest campaign commitments was to dismantle the overbearing executive presidency that many critics blame for decades of authoritarianism and abuse of power. He pledged to introduce a system where the president would be largely ceremonial, with parliament and independent institutions playing stronger roles.

In practice, progress has been halting. A draft for constitutional reform was floated, with discussions about shifting powers to parliament and curbing presidential immunity. Yet, by his first anniversary in office, no concrete bill has been passed. Government allies argue that constitutional changes require a two-thirds majority and a referendum. Though the NPP has more than two-third parliament majority, it might struggle to win a referendum.

Opponents accuse Dissanayake of enjoying the very powers he once vowed to surrender. The promise remains unfulfilled, and public skepticism is mounting.

2. Fighting Corruption and Recovering Stolen Assets – Partially Fulfilled

Another cornerstone of AKD’s campaign was a pledge to hunt down corrupt politicians and business elites, recover looted wealth, and hold offenders accountable. In his early months, a few high-profile investigations were reopened. The Proceeds of Crime Act was used in several test cases, and his government pushed for tighter financial disclosure rules for MPs and officials.

However, critics say the results are cosmetic. No major conviction of a powerful figure has occurred yet. Asset recovery has been slow, and many cases are bogged down in court procedures. Civil society activists argue that the government lacks the political will to target allies and instead focuses on scapegoats from rival camps.

Supporters counter that systemic change takes time, and laying a legal framework is more important than instant headline arrests.

3. Cost of Living and Economic Relief – Not Fulfilled

Dissanayake’s most immediate promise to the electorate was easing the unbearable cost of living. His campaign narrative was built on empathy for ordinary Sri Lankans crushed by inflation, taxes, and shortages.

Yet one year in, the reality looks grim. While inflation has indeed fallen from crisis highs, food prices and utility bills remain punishing for lower- and middle-income families. Electricity tariff reforms demanded by the IMF remain a flashpoint, with his government reluctant to implement cost-reflective pricing but unable to shield households fully from hikes.

On taxation, the government has struggled to balance IMF conditions with popular pressure. Income and VAT increases have deepened public resentment.

Many citizens feel little tangible relief, accusing the president of abandoning his people-friendly rhetoric once in office.

4. Debt Restructuring and Economic Recovery – Partially Fulfilled

On the macroeconomic front, AKD inherited an IMF-supported program and a country emerging from default. His pledge was to renegotiate terms more equitably, protect sovereignty, and accelerate recovery.

To his credit, Sri Lanka has seen modest growth retud inflation run, improved foreign reserves, and stabilized inflation. Debt restructuring talks advanced during his first year, with significant progress on bilateral and commercial fronts. However, deals have dragged on longer than expected, and uncertainty clouds investor confidence.

The administration has promoted new foreign direct investment (FDI) deals in ports, energy, and agriculture. But critics argue the government lacks a coherent long-term industrial or export strategy.

5. Public Sector Reform and Job Creation – Not Fulfilled

Dissanayake promised to rationalize Sri Lanka’s bloated public sector, make it efficient, and generate jobs in productive sectors. But reforms have barely scratched the surface. The state payroll remains unwieldy, and attempts to restructure loss-making SOEs have stalled amid union resistance.

Unemployment among youth is still high, and many graduates remain underemployed. While vocational training and digital economy initiatives have been announced, their impact is not yet visible.

6. Social Protection and Welfare – Partially Fulfilled

To cushion vulnerable groups, AKD’s government expanded targeted welfare payments under the “Aswesuma” program, while trimming wasteful subsidies. Digital cash transfers have improved efficiency, though implementation has been uneven.

Poorer families acknowledge some benefits, but the broader public feels welfare alone cannot offset economic pain.

8. Foreign Policy with Non-Aligned Pragmatism – Partially Fulfilled

Dissanayake campaigned on restoring Sri Lanka’s non-aligned posture, distancing from great power rivalry while safeguarding sovereignty. In his first year, Colombo balanced ties with India, China, and the West, avoiding overt alignment.

His government courted investment from India and China but emphasized transparency in deals. Relations with the IMF, UN, and regional partners remain functional. However, Colombo’s handling of sensitive issues like Palestine and Ukraine has attracted scrutiny, with some accusing the president of fence-sitting.

10. New Political Culture – Not Fulfilled

One of AKD’s boldest promises was introducing a “new political culture”: clean politics, people-first governance, and transparency. A year later, the verdict is sobering.

While rhetoric has changed, old patterns remain: patronage, lack of consultation, and centralization of power. His cabinet has faced criticism for weak performance and a shortage of technocratic expertise. Parliamentary behaviour has not improved significantly.

The dream of transformative politics is still just a dream.