Category: Breaking News

February 2nd 2014 was a red letter day in the life of Anura Kumara Dissanayake. It was on this day that the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna’s 17th national convention was held. The highlight of that convention was the change of leadership in the JVP. Somawansa Amerasinghe who held the reins for 24 years stepped down. Anura Kumara Dissanayake known popularly as Anura and AKD became the new JVP leader.

Prior to the convention, it was generally known that Somawansa was going to retire as the JVP leader. The ‘unknown” was his future successor. The names of JVP stalwarts such as K.D. Lalkantha, Tilvin Silva, Vijitha Herath, Sunil Handunneththi, Bimal Ratnayake and Anura Kumara Dissanayake were bandied about as potential successors. Among these the General Secretary Tilvin Silva was tipped to be the new leader.

After announcing his “retirement” as JVP leader, Somawansa Amerasinghe, proposed the name of AK Dissanayake as the new leader. It was seconded by Tilvin Silva himself. The proposal was approved unanimously. Tilvin Silva and Vijitha Herath were re-elected as General Secretary and Propaganda Secretary respectively. Bimal Ratnayake was elected as national organiser while the retired leader Somawansa Amerasinghe was appointed as International Affairs Secretary.

What was remarkable about the leadership change was the smooth , non-confrontational manner in which it was done. There was a visible absence of inner-party squabbling or factionalism that is prevalent in most political parties in Sri Lanka. Anura had endeared himself to most members of the JVP over the years and was therefore acceptable to all. Besides the party was somewhat weakened and de-moralised after the Wimal Weerawansa faction split of 2008 and the Kumar Gunaratnam group split of 2012. The JVP required a renewed sense of direction under a fresh leader and AKD seemed to fit that bill.

Two Major Elections

After donning the mantle of JVP leadership, Anura Kumara Dissanayake faced two major elections in 2015. One was the presidential election of January 2015. The other was the Parliamentary poll of August 2015. The then Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena defected after partaking of an egg hopper dinner with the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa and became the common opposition candidate at the presidential election.

In 2010 former Army Commander Sarath Fonseka was the common opposition candidate against Mahind Rajapaksa. The JVP actively campaigned for Fonseka along with other opposition parties. Fonseka lost. In the 2010 Parliamentary elections the JVP contested as part of the alliance led by Sarath Fonseka. The Democratic National Alliance got seven seats. Of these four were obtained by the JVP. Anura himself was appointed to Parliament as a national list MP.

In 2015, the JVP’s new leader AKD adopted a different approach towards the presidential election. Unlike in 2010, the JVP did not join the combined opposition election campaign. At the same time it firmly opposed Mahinda Rajapaksa’s attempt to be president for a third term. While not supporting the common opposition candidate Sirisena directly, the JVP lent indirect support by conducting a vigorous anti-Rajapaksa campaign separately. The JVP staged many meetings where speakers castigated the Rajapaksa rule vehemently. The JVP did not ask people to vote for Sirisena but wanted the people to vote against Rajapaksa. Sirisena won.

When Parliamentary elections were held in August 2015, the JVP again deviated from the position it adopted in 2010. Instead of joining an opposition alliance as in 2010, the JVP struck out alone contesting elections. In a sense it was a return to the past where the JVP contested Parliamentary polls alone as in 2000 and 2001. It was in 2004 and 2010 that the JVP contested Parliamentary polls as part of an alliance.

The 2015 poll was the first Parliamentary election faced by the JVP under Anura’s leadership. The JVP contested in all electoral districts and polled 543,944 (4.87) votes. This entitled the JVP to six MPs,four elected and two on the national list. Anura himself contested from the Colombo district and won with 65,966 preference votes.

“Unity” Govt

The JVP remained in the opposition along with the Tamil National Alliance (TNA). A provision in the SLFP constitution had enabled Maithripala Sirisena to become SLFP leader by virtue of being elected President of Sri Lanka. The UNP led by Ranil Wickremesinghe and SLFP led by Maithripala Sirisena entered into an agreement and formed a “unity” Govt with Ranil as prime minister. Nominally the SLFP was part of the Govt though over 50 of its MPs loyal to Mahinda functioned as an opposition entity. They were not accredited as being officially in the opposition by the then speaker Karu Jayasuriya.

Thus in a quirky twist, the TNA and JVP were regarded as the main opposition parties. TNA leader Rajavarothayam Sampanthan became leader of the opposition. JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake became the chief whip of the opposition. This unusual state of affairs changed after the abortive October 26th 2018 Parliamentary coup in which Sirisena dismissed Ranil as PM and appointed Mahinda in his place. However, this tragicomic episode ended in December following court rulings. Both Sampanthan and Dissanayake ceased to be opposition leader and chief opposition whip thereafter.

Two important happenings occurred during the time of the Sirisena -Wickremesinghe administration. One was the setting up of a Constitutional assembly to draft a new Constitution. The JVP participated in proceedings and cooperated fully in drafting an interim report. It is noteworthy that the JVP under AKD softened its earlier stance on devolution and the provincial councils during this exercise. It must also be noted that the JVP has stated it would follow through with the Constitution-making process during its rule.

The second important happening was the birth of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and its commendable performance in the local authority polls of 2018. While Mahinda and his loyalists were compelled to remain as SLFP MP’s, Basil Rajapaksa formed a new party with the lotus bud or pohottuwa as its symbol. The SLPP contested the 2018 local authority elections and polled 4,941,952 (44.65%) votes. 3369 Councillors were elected from the SLPP that took control of 231 Local government bodies. The “newcomer” beat the UNP and SLFP thereby indicating the changed political power equation in the country.

As for the JVP, the party did not do well in the local authority polls. The party polled 693,875 (6.27%) votes with 431 members being elected to various local bodies. The JVP failed to capture power in a single local authority.

Introspection Within JVP

The relatively poor performances of the JVP in the 2015 Parliamentary elections and the 2018 local authority polls led to much introspection within the party. The JVP’s public meetings and mass rallies were well attended. The crowds appeared to be supportive. Yet at voting time, the JVP finished a poor third. It was as if the JVP was doomed to be a fringe party eternally with the consolation prize of being described as the third force in Sri Lankan politics by the media.

The JVP led by its chief Anura Kumara Dissanayake engaged in a lot of soul searching after the party’s dismal show in the 2015 and 2018 polls. JVP leaders especially AKD began interacting with selected politicians from other parties, academics, media personnel, political analysts, community leaders and supporters in the Diaspora about the JVP’s future course of action.

The JVP was no longer a believer in or adherent of revolutionary violence after the terrible experiences of 1971 and 1988-90.It had abandoned the bullet for the ballot. What the JVP wanted was to acquire political power through legitimate democratic avenues. It was victory through voting that it desired. The people of Sri Lanka however were not voting in large numbers for the JVP. Was the JVP destined to be always a third to the two main political parties and be labelled perpetually as the third force? How could this situation be remedied?

There were many who suggested that the JVP should be part of an alliance led by a progressive party. Others suggested that the JVP forge together a united front consisting of left-leaning parties. However, many in the JVP were not in favour. Chief among these was the JVP chief AKD himself. Anura did not want the JVP to tag along with others in an alliance or united front. AKD wanted the JVP to be the principal player and not play a subordinate role.

After protracted consultations with external elements and prolonged internal discussions the JVP resolved to form a broad alliance or front. The JVP would remain the pivotal power in that alliance and maintain its position of pre-eminence. Overtly the JVP would be the first among equals (Primus Inter Pares) in the new set up. Covertly the JVP would be in control. The JVP would remain faithful to its political philosophy and retain its core principles. In a sense it would be old wine in a new bottle.

Jathika Jana Balawegaya

And so the Jathika Jana Balawegaya (JJB) or National People’s Power (NPP) was born. On 13 July 2019, hundreds of persons comprising political activists, Trade Unionists, artistes, professionals and academics, converged at the BMICH in Colombo. The National Peoples Power (NPP) known in Tamil as the Thesiya Makkal Sakthi (TMS) was formally launched at the BMICH following a motion proposed by Anura Dissanayake and seconded by Tilvin Silva.

JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake was elected as leader of the NPP also. The NPP General Secretary was Dr.Nihal Abeysinghe. Dr.Harini Amarasuriya and Lal Wijenayake were the deputy secretaries. The treasurer was Eranga Gunasekara.

This is how the NPP describes itself in the official website – “Jathika Jana Balawegaya (NPP), is a dynamic political movement comprising 21 diverse groups, including political parties, youth organisations, women’s groups, trade unions, and civil society organisations. Established in 2019, NPP is driven by a shared vision of fostering a more progressive Sri Lanka. Our core objectives encompass cultivating an uncorrupted, service-oriented, accountable, and transparent political culture, promoting economic democracy for fairer wealth distribution, strengthening social protections, and championing an inclusive, democratic Sri Lankan identity. Our organisational structure, from the Steering Committee to District Executive Councils, empowers voices at all levels, making NPP a force for positive change in the nation.”

The NPP consists of 21 groups, including political parties, youth organisations, women’s groups, trade unions, and civil society organisations. They are –Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, Aluth Parapura, Ethera Api, Public Servants for Public Service, National Bhikkhu Front, National Trade Union Centre, Sri Lanka Communist Party (Alternative Group), Doctors for Social Justice, Samabhimani Collective, United Left Power, Inter Company Employees’ Union, 71 Sahodrathwa Sansadaya, Aluth Piyapath, Mass Guiding Artists, Janodanaya, National Intellectuals Organisation, Dabindu Collective, University Teachers for Social Justice, Progressive Women’s Collective, Husmata Husmak and All Ceylon Estate Workers’ Union.

The chief decision making body in the NPP is the National Executive Committee. According to the NPP website the national executive committee members are –Anura Kumara Dissanayake (Leader), Professor Liyanage Amarakirthi, Vijita Herath, Lal Wijenayake, Nimala Siriwardena, Ravi Siriwardena, Asoka Peiris, Dr. Nihal Abeysinghe, Bimal Ratnayake, Professor Anil Jayantha Fernando, Kamal Perera, Mahinda Ratnayake, Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, Professor Vijay Kumar, Harshana Nanayakkara, Lal Kantha, Sheikh Munir Mulaffar, Ajith Hadley Perera, Sunil Handunneththi, Ananda Wijepala, Visakesha Chandrasekharm, Dr. Nalinda Jayathissa, Professor Wasantha Subasinghe, Upul Kumarapperuma, Professor Chrishantha Abeysena, Jagath Manuvarna, Muditha Nanayakkara, Ramalingam Chandrasekar, Saroja Savitri Paulraj, Professor Sunil Seneviratne, Kumara Jayakody, Vraie Cally Balthazar, Samantha Vidyaratne, Professor Jinasena Hevage, I. N. Ikram, Wasantha Samarasinghe, Charith Galhena, Premaratne Tennakon, Dr. Rizvi Sali, Dr. Kaushalya Ariyaratne, Aruna Shanta Nonis, Nihal Galappatti, Samanmalee Gunasinghe, Dr. Ajith De Mel, Chaminda Jayasuriya, Vijith Rohana, Namal Karunaratne, P.D.N.K.Palihena, Krishnan Kalaichchelvi, Sunil Watagala, Dr. H.P. Dhammika, Professor Upali Panilage, Nalin Hewage, Chaturanga Abeysinghe, Eranga Weeraratne, Kitnan Selvaraj Lakshman Nipunarachchi, R.M. Jayawardene, Sandun Yaapa, Dr. Ashoka Ranwala, Ravindu Usvatakeiya, Arun Hemachandra, Rathne Gamage, Upali Samarasinghe, Wasantha Piyathissa, Mahinda Jayasinghe, Eranga Gunasekara, Shantha Padmakumara, Gamagedara Dissanayake, T.B.Sarath, Manjula Suraweera Arachchi, Dr. Anura Karunathileka and Professor Chandana Abeyrathne.

NPP’s Electoral Baptism

The JVP led NPP had its electoral baptism in the presidential election of November 2019. Anura Kumara Dissanayake contested the presidential elections for the first time. The NPP symbol was the compass. The NPP candidate was supported by the National Front for Good Governance (NFGG) and the United Leftist Front (ULF). As is typical of JVP organised political meetings, there were huge crowds to see and listen to Anura.

Yet the results were a big disappointment. Anura came third polling only 418,563 (3.15%) votes. Ten months later came the 2020 Parliamentary elections. The NPP led by AK Dissanayake contested in all the electoral districts. Again it was a big blow for the JVP led NPP. The compass was able to garner only 445,958 (3.84%) votes. This was less than the 543,944 (4.87%) votes the JVP got in 2015.

The MP tally too was halved. In 2015 the JVP got six with four elected MPs and two on the national list. In 2020 the NPP got only three with two elected MPs and one on the national list. AK Dissanayake won in Colombo with 49,814 preferences. In 2015 AKD got 65,066 preferences. Vijitha Herath won in Gampaha with 37,008 preferences. The National list seat went to Dr. Harini Amarasuriya.

Third Force Status

The verdicts of the 2019 presidential and 2020 Parliamentary poll indicated that attempts to do better in elections by contesting as the NPP had not yielded the expected results. It appeared that whatever the electoral strategy, the JVP could not increase its vote share. Whether the JVP contested as the NPP or not, the party could never transcend its third force status it seemed.

This was indeed a trying time for Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s leadership. A lesser man may have wilted under adverse pressure. But the Rajarata lad who could swim the entire distance of Nuwara wewa and back was made of sterner stuff. Anura prepared to swim against the current. He re-structured the JVP led NPP’s electoral approach and re-furbished his political image.

AKD Making History

These changes brought about a change in the public mood. This led to AKD making history as the first leftist to be elected as president of Sri Lanka. This triumphant tale would be told in detail in the fifth and final part of this article.

D.B.S.Jeyaraj can be reached at dbsjeyaraj@yahoo.com

The Election Commission has announced the establishment of 13,421 polling stations for the upcoming parliamentary elections, tailored to the number of registered voters across the country.

In the Colombo District, 1,204 polling stations will accommodate 1,765,351 voters, while Gampaha District will have 1,212 stations for its 1,881,129 voters. Kalutara District will see 735 polling stations for 1,024,240 voters. Mannar District, which has the lowest number of registered voters at 90,607, will have 108 polling stations.

In addition to the polling stations, 2,034 counting centers will be operational. The Election Commission confirmed that a total of 17,430,354 voters are eligible to participate in the elections.

The Indo-Sri Lanka Joint Task Force will hold its sixth meeting tomorrow (29) at the Mahaweli Center in Colombo, as confirmed by M. P. N. M. Wickramasinghe, Secretary of Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Fisheries.

The meeting will bring together 12 officials to discuss key bilateral concerns, especially the ongoing issue of bottom trawling by Indian fishermen in Sri Lankan waters.

Since assuming office, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has prioritized addressing the environmental and economic impacts of bottom trawling—a fishing method that involves dragging heavy nets across the seafloor, which can cause long-term ecological damage, he said, adding that in line with the President’s directive, the Ministry of Fisheries has engaged with Indian authorities through diplomatic channels to tackle this issue collaboratively.

The meeting will focus on curbing the operations of approximately 400 to 500 Indian trawlers that enter Sri Lankan waters around three times a week, posing significant threats to the marine ecosystem and local fisheries.

Furthermore, Wickramasinghe said that steps will be taken to inform Indian officials about the stringent legal actions that will be enforced against Indian fishermen engaging in this illegal fishing practice.

The upcoming session follows five previous meetings, with the most recent round held in Sri Lanka on March 22, 2022. Both nations are expected to explore constructive solutions to the ongoing trawling crisis while reinforcing their commitment to sustainable fishing practices and preserving marine biodiversity.

The train services from Colombo Fort to Kankasanturai which was halted for months owing to the maintenance and development activities will resume starting tomorrow, October 28, the Department of Railways has announced.

This development follows the successful completion of modernization work along the railway stretch between Mahawa and Anuradhapura, enhancing connectivity and convenience for passengers traveling to the northern regions of the country.

In light of the renewed operations, the Railway Department urges the public to exercise caution at railway crossings. With trains now running on the Northern Railway, it is essential for everyone to prioritize safety and adhere to all crossing regulations, as per the department.

The statement issued by the Railway Department regarding the manner in which trains will be operational on the Northern Line is as follows;

The Police have averted what would otherwise have turned out to be a massacre of Israelis in a synagogue in Arugam Bay on the southeast coast.

The attacks had been planned for a day between October 19 and 24 during a largely attended religious event that was taking place, according to intelligence sources. They said investigations were underway to ascertain to what extent a foreign power was backing the plot to carry out the attack, including money spent, any possible training and other support they may have given.

The reason behind the planned attack was to protest Israeli Defence Forces military offensives in Gaza and Lebanon where thousands of civilians including children are being slaughtered. The war began after Hamas militants carried out an attack inside Israel where 1,200, mostly civilians were killed and 250 more were taken hostage on October 7, last year.

A dangerous outcome of such an attack would have been the adverse impact on Muslim villages that are near Arugam Bay. The closest town is Pottuvil where half the population are Muslims. It is five kilometres or 3.8 miles from this popular coastal resort. The blame would have been placed on the Muslims there and the perpetrators or their masterminds going unnoticed, at least for some time. Similarly, there were fears that attacks were possible in the southern towns of Ahangama, Ahungalla and other coastal areas frequented by Israelis.

Sri Lankan agencies uncovered information on a plot to attack the Arugam Bay synagogue (the house of worship and communal centre for Jewish congregation), in early October. However, the information they had at that time was very sketchy and they were not clear on the details of the plot. Hence, a group of suspected persons had been placed under surveillance. Thereafter two Sri Lankans, one from a Colombo suburb, another from the north, and a Maldivian were arrested. The latter is the son of a Maldivian father and Sri Lankan mother. They are now being held on detention orders under the Prevention of Terrorism Act. The Maldivian national, a Sinhala speaker, is said to have possessed two mobile phones and held several addresses. Police are on the lookout for two more people who are known to be abroad. They have travelled on many occasions to Sri Lanka. All these people are said to have been serving prison sentences in a local jail for varied offences. Defence Secretary, Air Vice Marshal Sampath Thuyacontha, this week had a meeting with Maldivian High Commissioner Masood Imad on matters related to the suspect from his country. No details were immediately available. A resident of Mawanella has been arrested separately after he was found loitering around the house of the Israeli Consul General at Nedimale, Dehiwala. He is being questioned.

Arugam Bay has remained a popular destination for tourists who are attracted by the seas known to be the best for surfing. More than half the tourists are said to be Israelis. In recent years, synagogues have sprung up in the area and restaurants serving kosher food (or food fit or proper as it relates to Jewish dietary law) are not only serving their needs, but some are also receiving payment in foreign currency. One synagogue is now ending construction not far away from a Muslim Mosque. Television footage screened by local channels this week showed Arugam Bay scenes which were reminiscent of the separatist war days with a heavy presence of Police Special Task Force commandos and their armoured patrol vehicles. In other areas where attacks were feared, heavy military security has also been placed in addition to the presence of armed police.

The arrests by the Police on October 7 and the investigations thereafter had remained secret. The reason was the absence of a full picture of the plot by the relevant authorities. Resultantly, the parties concerned, particularly Israel and the United States, have not been apprised of the development. Rather unfortunately, with a new government in office only for a month, there had been an unprecedented element of amateurism that had crept in. Otherwise, an early appraisal would have resulted in a twofold benefit—One: valuable intelligence inputs from those countries, known to be the best in the world, would have been immensely useful. Two: A joint investigation below the radar until the plot was completely unravelled. That would not only have saved much embarrassment for Sri Lanka worldwide but most importantly avoided a bad fallout on the tourism industry. Now, they are all fully geared to receive tourists for the winter season.

The United States Embassy in Colombo posted on its website the threats faced by their nationals visiting Sri Lanka. It said, “The Embassy received credible information warning of an attack targeting popular tourist locations in the Arugam Bay area. Due to the serious risk posed by this threat, the Embassy imposed a travel restriction on Embassy personnel for Arugam Bay effective immediately and until further notice.

U.S. citizens are strongly urged to avoid the Arugam Bay area until further notice.

“Actions to Take:

Report all suspicious activity and emergencies to local authorities (119).

Always maintain vigilance and be aware of your surroundings. Trust your gut, if a situation doesn’t feel right, get out of it.

Always have some form of communication on you (i.e. cell phone).

Monitor local media for news and updates.“

The US Embassy warning received worldwide publicity. This was followed immediately by other members of the so-called Five Eyes, besides the US – the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Even their adversary Russia joined in the task. Immediately thereafter, the Reuters news agency reported: “JERUSALEM/COLOMBO, Oct 23 (Reuters) – Israel’s national security council called on Israelis on Wednesday to immediately leave some tourist areas in southern Sri Lanka over the threat of a possible terrorist attack. The agency said the warning pertained to the area of Arugam Bay and beaches in the south and west of Sri Lanka, and stemmed from “current information about a terrorist threat focused on tourist areas and beaches.

“The security council did not specify the exact nature of the threat and called on Israelis in the rest of Sri Lanka to be cautious and refrain from holding large gatherings in public areas.

“The Israeli security establishment … is in close contact with the security authorities in Sri Lanka and is following the developments.”

It is against this backdrop that the government went into action. Cabinet spokesperson Vijitha Herath held a special news briefing from the office of the Ministry of Public Security on October 24. He holds that portfolio. He said that on Tuesday, foreign intelligence agencies had warned of a potential threat. The matter was taken up at the National Security Council (NSC) which has been meeting periodically. Security have been strengthened in Arugam Bay and other tourist areas like Bandarawela, Ella, Matara, Weligama and Ahungalla. Warning that people should not use this situation to “intimidate others for political gain,” the Minister said foreign countries were “already satisfied with the measures we have taken.”

He claimed they have gained confidence on their part to send their citizens to Sri Lanka and justified their travel advisories since they were mandatory “by a diplomatic mission in any country.” However, there has been no stoppage of tourists, he said. He asserted that “we have already brought the situation under control. Hence, there is no need for foreign tourists to panic.” He also declared that the picture the government had at the beginning was sketchy. Herath denied media reports that an Indian intelligence agency had provided the government reports warning of an attack. “This is false,” he said. Despite Minister Herath’s assertions, the warnings from the US as well as their four allies remain on their websites. So does the one from Russia.

The threats to the tourism industry from the advisories of the United States and Israel and their allies cannot be taken lightly. Those wanting to avenge Israeli atrocities on civilians will continue to look out for soft targets. It is noteworthy that Minister Herath has set the record right from the government’s position. However, that seems only the tip of the iceberg. No effort has still been made to meet those key players in the local tourism industry to obtain their views on how best the situation could be neutralized. Thus the views of their foreign principals are also not known. Sri Lanka diplomatic missions overseas have also not known how to react since no instructions have gone out. Nor has there been a formal official government statement. This is particularly in the light of the wide publicity worldwide the travel warnings from the two countries and their allies have received. That an adverse impact on the tourism industry would by extension affect the country’s economy is no secret. It comes at a time when the new government is engaged in an exercise to change Sri Lanka still being classified as “bankrupt.”

One is reminded of the events that played out as results of the presidential election kept coming in during the early hours of September 22. When the news spread that Anura Kumara Dissanayake of the National People’s Power (NPP) was on the road to victory, reports circulated that Central Bank Governor Nandalal Weerasinghe was preparing his letter of resignation. One of those who heard this was a former United National Party (UNP) stalwart. He telephoned two NPP leaders, Vijitha Herath and Bimal Ratnayake. Both responded to him within an hour. They sought his good offices to urge Governor Weerasinghe not to leave. “What about the Treasury Secretary?” asked Weerasinghe. The stalwart said he would phone him as well. There was another round of calls. Both said they were staying behind. Last week, the duo was in the Sri Lanka delegation to Washington DC for talks with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Its Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva said that they were encouraged by the commitment of Sri Lankan authorities to continue the reforms to safeguard the hard-won gains under the IMF programme. An IMF team is due in Colombo for talks on another tranche of its Extended Fund Facility (EFF).

Easter Sunday report

Another issue that has generated considerable controversy is the report of a committee that inquired into “intelligence co-ordination and investigative processes related to the Easter Sunday bombings of April 21, 2019.” The issue is over the appointment of Ravi Seneviratne as Secretary to the Ministry of Public Security and Shani Abeysekera as Director of Criminal Intelligence and Prevention. Before being recalled from retirement, Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police (SDIG) Seneviratne oversaw the Criminal Investigation Department (CID). Abeysekera was the Director of the same institution. The committee was appointed by former president Ranil Wickremesinghe. Paradoxical enough, they were introduced to the NPP leadership by a well-wisher. The same person had recommended the appointment of a controversial top investigator to the leaders of the so-called yahapalana government to probe graft. A probe has now got underway into his own assets after complaints of impropriety when he conducted probes. The contents of the 47-page report of the committee, headed by retired High Court Judge Jayaki de Alwis was laid bare by former parliamentarian and Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU) leader Udaya Gammanpila last Monday. It came amidst what seemed a well-choreographed exercise where for days earlier he threatened to reveal the contents. There is little doubt that Minister Herath fell for Gammanpila’s political trap of sorts. “If Gammanpila has the report, we will give him three days to hand it over……. We need to investigate how he got the report, he told his weekly post-cabinet news briefing on October 15. Six days later (on October 21) Gammanpila read out the contents of the report and placed its full 47-page contents on two different websites.

He excluded the annexures for fear of being accused of violating the Official Secrets Act. It included intelligence information among others. If Herath had not reacted, that would have taken the wind off the sails of Gammanpila’s campaign. Alas, a case of amateurism again. Having given Gammanpila a three-day deadline and vowed to find out his source, nothing happened. That is not all. Tomorrow, Gammanpila will reveal the contents of another committee report , one headed by former Supreme Court Judge S. Ishrath Imam, again commissioned by former President Wickremesinghe. The other members were retired Air Chief Marshal Jayalath Weerakkody, a former High Commissioner to Pakistan under the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government, and Anthony Joseph Soza, President’s Counsel. They probed revelations made by Britain’s Channel Four in its Dispatches programme. Hanzeer Azad Mowlana (now said to be in Switzerland) claimed in an interview that he set up a meeting in 2018 with the head of the State Intelligence Service (SIS) and an Islamic group affiliated bombers to hatch a “plot to destabilise Sri Lanka and facilitate the return of the Rajapaksas.” Mowlana did not turn up before the Committee despite repeated invitations. The committee’s task was a fact-finding exercise and was intended to examine the veracity of the Channel Four narrative.

The Jayaki de Alwis committee report’s main recommendations, read out at a news conference by Gammanpila, were widely publicised by the local media. The focus of the report was on two main aspects: One was to explore why the Director of Military Intelligence (DMI) and/or CID believed for a four-month period from the date of the killing of two police constables in Vavunativu (Batticaloa district) on November 30, 2018 “were aligned with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The other was to examine the findings of the CID.

The report recommended that “SDIG-CID Ravi Seneviratne and Director CID SSP Shani Abeysekera should be prosecuted by the relevant authority under the relevant provisions of the Penal Code for their negligence in conducting investigations.” There was a detailed account on SDIG Ravi Seneviratne. Here are excerpts:

“The Committee observed that he functioned as the SDIG, CID at the time of the incident. The Committee observed that this witness had been aware regarding the conduct of Zahran (Note: said to be a mastermind of the Easter attacks) and the NTJ (National Thawheed Jamath as he had initiated the following investigations:

The killing of two Police officers in Vavunativu on November 30, 2018.
The clash between two religious factions on February 10, 2013 at Aliyar Junction, Kattankudy, Batticaloa.
The destruction of the sacred Buddha Statues at Mawanella during the period from 23rd to 26th December 2018.
Recovery of explosives from Vanathavilluwa on February 16, 2019.
The explosion conducted as a dry run at Palamunai, Kattankudy on January 16, 2019.
“The Committee observed that this was the background in which he was notified regarding the pending attack by Zahran as described below. The SIS Director, Nilantha Jayawardena, had sent his briefing to the Deputy Inspector General of Police (a subordinate position also in the CID) regarding the initial information pertaining to the attack to his office as well. Upon returning from overseas, he had seen the letter on April 16, 2019. Thereafter, only on April 19, 2019, he had directed his immediate subordinate DIG-CID, to report back before May 1 2019. The Committee observed that DIG-CID had only received the said letter bearing the directions on April 22, 2019, after the explosion.

“Regarding the impending attack, he admitted that on April 20, 2019 at 17.47 hours, he received a WhatsApp message from the Director, SIS, Nilantha Jayawardena. Further, he had received a call from the said Director where he was informed that the IGP was not paying much attention to the intelligence. Subsequently, he had called the IGP and the SDIG-WP, Nandana Munasinghe. Further, on April 21 2019, at 8.27 a.m., Director, SIS had sent a WhatsApp message detailing the impending attack. Shortly afterwards explosions occurred.

“The Committee recommends that he should be prosecuted for negligence under suitable provisions in the Penal Code by the relevant authority.” The committee report has also recommended action under the Penal Code against 14 persons, both in and out of the security establishment now. For some, it has said it should be for criminal negligence. Social media reports thereafter quoted Seneviratne as saying that he was ‘not concerned’ about the committee report.

At his weekly post-cabinet news briefing on October 22, Minister Herath said that the government rejected the Jayaki de Alwis committee report. It had been appointed only after the two former senior police officers had joined the NPP. Here are excerpts from what he said:

“On June 9, 2024, the retired police officer’s collective was formed to support a political party. Three days later the former President appointed a committee. Gammanpila is trying to be a superstar and is talking about the reports. During the ongoing investigations, we will investigate any positives in these reports. It is clear that the Committee’s main objective was to find fault with Ravi Seneviratne and Shani Abeysekara.

“We do not accept this Alwis report. They were appointed with political motivations by former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. As a responsible government we will carry out a full investigation. We will bring justice to those affected. If any officer is found guilty of negligence, we will act.”

Q: Can action be filed against Seneviratne and Abeysekara since they have had prior information about Zahran.

A: All these aspects will be investigated. So far, the two former officers have not been found guilty.

Q: The usual practice is for anyone who is even suspected of links to any serious incident being kept out until the investigations are over. So, don’t you think these officers should have been told to wait out?

A: It was very clear it was Ravi Seneviratne and Shani Abeysekara who carried out the investigations independently. After Gotabaya Rajapaksa was elected to office, Shani Abeysekara was transferred. So, it is the political authority that interrupted the investigations. We will not do that. We very well know that these questions are being raised to remove them from their positions. That’s what I say though other names are mentioned in the report those names are not being raised. Gammanpila wants these officers removed. We will not do that.

Q: What are the legal powers of the Jayaki de Alwis Committee and when was the report handed over?

A: It was handed over at the former President’s private residence on September 17. The next day it came to the Presidential Secretariat. It was mainly for the former President to obtain information. It does not have legal powers. We are aware that ten copies were made. We do not know how the report can come by post as claimed by Gammanpila. We do not want to answer questions raised from the pavement. Therefore, we will not accept this report of a committee appointed on the needs of Wickremesinghe.

Cardinal Malcolm Ranajith also joined the fray. He questioned the motive behind former President Wickremesinghe appointing a committee. He claimed at a news conference that the report was a “hurriedly carried out job” ahead of the presidential election and “lacked credibility.”

Former President Wickremesinghe reacted to the developments in a statement he issued on Thursday. He made a call to not politicise the Easter Sunday massacres. Here are edited relevant highlights: “None of the people appointed to these committees are people I know personally. Arrangements were also made to provide support to these committees from the Attorney General’s Department. One of the objectives of appointing the above Committees was to look into the steps that were taken when the Indian Intelligence Service informed our intelligence services about a potential terrorist attack. Another responsibility assigned to this committee was to inquire into whether the measures taken in relation to it were sufficient.

“The State Intelligence Division (sic – should read as Service) and the Criminal Investigation Department, during their investigations, announced that the killing of two police officers in Vavunativu was carried out by the L.T.T.E.

“Why was it the official stance for four months that these killings were done by the LTTE? This committee also inquired about the steps taken in that regard during that time. The Alwis Committee Report is not a report prepared to take revenge on the then Senior DIG and current Secretary of the Ministry of Public Security, Ravi Seneviratne, nor the former Director of the Criminal Investigation Department, Shani Abeysekera.

“The report further recommended that all officers including former Inspector General of Police Pujitha Jayasundara, Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police Nilantha Jayawardena, Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police Nandana Munasinghe, Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police Lalith Pathinayake, Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police Abdul (sic – Mohamed Ruaiz) Latiff, and Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police Ravi Seneviratne should have legal action taken against them regarding the Easter Sunday incident. In addition to this, the report has recommended that former Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police and current Inspector General of Police Deshabandu Thennakoon also face disciplinary action.

“Therefore, it is very clear that the definition of this as a fabricated report against Ravi Seneviratne and Shani Abeysekera is baseless. The observations related to the killing of the two police officers in the Vavunativu area mentioned in the report are also very important. In relation to that incident, it was first announced that remnants of the LTTE organisation carried out the killings. As a result, Thambirasa Kumar and Rasanayagam Sarvanandan were arrested. When the annexes of the report are examined, many contradictory facts are revealed. In one of the reports of the intelligence agencies, it is mentioned that Sivaneshthurai Chandrakanthan alias Pillayan, who was in jail at that time, was behind this incident.

“Another related intelligence agency report also stated that the husband of a woman who allegedly had an affair with a police officer named Ganesh who died in Vavunativu was killed.

The Director of Military Intelligence (DMI) has stated that the reason why it took four months for the intelligence agencies to trace the activities of the National Tawhid Jamaat (NTJ) was because the national intelligence agencies did not have a formal network for obtaining information. Regarding the gap of four months until the discovery of the NTJ, the DMI’s explanation was that it was attributable to the lack of network they had at the time to elicit the intelligence.

“Although the Indian intelligence, which has a foreign intelligence service, had a strong information network in this area, a severe collapse can be seen in the operation of Sri Lankan intelligence in this regard. (Page 12 of the report). It is unfortunate that we do not have a strong intelligence network. This is a big threat to the security of the country. My attention was drawn to this matter.

“This report, which has caused a lot of controversy, came into my hands during the last presidential election, but due to my reluctance to connect the Easter Sunday attack to politics, I did not make those reports public. I also mentioned that I followed the above practice as there was a need to call for a report in this regard. All the statements made by the Cardinal regarding me are baseless. The Bishops’ Conference should make an official statement regarding the Easter reports. Taking all the above into consideration, I request all parties not to politicise the Easter reports.”

No doubt, the NPP government is only a month old. Moreover, it is now facing a parliamentary election. The country is being governed by the world’s smallest three-member cabinet until an extended one with 25 ministers is formed after November 14. Yet, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Minister Herath cannot carry the burden by themselves alone. It should be one of their priorities to address the immediate setting up of mechanisms to ensure issues that have an adverse fallout on matters that concern the economy.

Simply saying that the public should not panic, should not be misled or everything is being done is not the answer. Whistleblowers will continue to raise issues, and they must. The opposition will play its role, good or bad. They need to have men and women qualified enough to carry out a proactive strategy. A duo cannot continue to be burdened with them whilst one crisis after another grows. It is the public who voted for a new government that will pay the price. That is the strong message for President Anura Kumara Dissanayake.