Category: Breaking News

As speculation swirls over whether Sri Lanka’s National People’s Power (NPP) government will hold provincial council elections next year, a bigger question looms: Will the NPP genuinely move forward with these elections, or is it preparing to abolish the provincial council system altogether, despite repeated assurances? Against this backdrop, India has once again reaffirmed its long-standing position—insisting that the full implementation of the Thirteenth Amendment to Sri Lanka’s Constitution is crucial for the country’s unity and stability. India’s recent statement at the 60th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) is not mere diplomatic routine, but part of a decades-long commitment to Sri Lanka’s reconciliation process.

This year, India’s call was echoed by other influential international stakeholders, including the United Kingdom and Canada. These “core group” countries jointly underscored the urgency of early provincial council elections and the further devolution of power in accordance with the Thirteenth Amendment. The message is clear: meaningful devolution and genuine reconciliation are indispensable for Sri Lanka’s future.

Speaking at the UNHRC in Geneva, Anupama Singh, First Secretary at India’s Permanent Mission, summed up India’s enduring support: “As a close friend of Sri Lanka and an immediate neighbour with deep-rooted ties, India has remained steadfast in its support for relief, rehabilitation, resettlement, and reconstruction in Sri Lanka since 2009.”

She continued, “India believes that meaningful devolution and genuine reconciliation, through an inclusive approach, would contribute to nation-building and durable peace. Progress in these areas will benefit all communities in Sri Lanka and reinforce the strong foundation of friendship and trust between our nations.”

As Sri Lanka’s closest neighbour and most influential regional partner, India has long advocated for the full implementation of the Thirteenth Amendment—a provision born from the historic Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987. This accord was intended to devolve power and foster inclusive governance—goals that, decades later, have yet to be realized.

After intensive negotiations from 1985 to 1987, both moderate and militant Tamil factions agreed to India’s proposed framework for devolution. However, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) ultimately rejected this path, charting their own violent course until their eventual military defeat in 2009. With the LTTE gone, the Indo-Lanka Accord remains the only credible foundation for lasting peace—if, and only if, Sri Lanka’s leaders on both sides are truly willing to bridge the country’s deep-seated divides.

Critics of India’s involvement in Sri Lanka often argue that the Thirteenth Amendment is a purely internal matter and that outside interference is unnecessary. On the surface, this argument appears logical. Yet, it overlooks the root cause of persistent international concern: Sri Lanka’s repeated failures to seize opportunities for reconciliation and its prolonged political impasse.

Had the country’s leaders sincerely treated the Thirteenth Amendment as a domestic issue, they would have either implemented it or replaced it with a superior solution. Their collective inaction instead highlights the shortcomings of the political elite—lending legitimacy to continued external engagement.

When the civil war ended in 2009, Sri Lanka—praised by the UNHRC with India’s backing—had a golden opportunity to resolve its ethnic strife within the framework of its own constitution. But the opportunity was squandered. Responsibility rests not only with the Rajapaksa government, but also with the Tamil National Alliance, which struggled to adapt to democratic politics after the defeat of the LTTE. Even after a new government took office in 2015, the country once again failed to advance the Thirteenth Amendment, allowing another crucial opportunity to slip away.

India’s position has always been consistent: resolving Sri Lanka’s ethnic question is not only in India’s interest—it is fundamentally in Sri Lanka’s own best interest. As Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar has pointed out, “It is in Sri Lanka’s own interest that the expectations of the Tamil people for equality, justice, peace and dignity within a united Sri Lanka are fulfilled. That applies equally to the commitments made by the Sri Lankan government on meaningful devolution, including the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution.”

For sixteen years since the end of the war, New Delhi has encouraged Tamil parties to unite, and both sides to negotiate in good faith. Yet, no reconciliation measure as substantial as the Thirteenth Amendment has moved forward. India has also advised Tamil leaders not to make unrealistic demands—such as merging the Northern and Eastern provinces—acknowledging that such proposals are now “water under the bridge.”

The critical question now facing Sri Lanka is whether its leaders will finally deliver on the promise of the Thirteenth Amendment, or allow history to repeat itself. Until genuine progress is made, international actors—including India—will continue to press for reconciliation and inclusive governance.

Sixteen years after the war’s end, Sri Lanka has yet to achieve meaningful reconciliation with its minority Tamil population. In this context, India’s message is unequivocal: Colombo should resolve the national question by implementing the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution—not for India’s benefit, but for Sri Lanka’s own future.

*A. Jathindra is a Sri Lankan-based independent political analyst and head of a think tank, Centre for Strategic Studies – Trincomalee (CSST)

Source:colombotelegraph

A meeting between Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath and Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar was held in the United States on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) session.

In a post on his official X account, Minister Herath said the discussion reaffirmed the strong friendship and close cooperation between Sri Lanka and India.

Herath is accompanying President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to New York, where the President is scheduled to address the UNGA at 3.15 p.m. local time today (24). The Presidential Media Division said the President will also hold bilateral talks with UN Secretary-General António Guterres and several world leaders during his visit.

Meanwhile, Minister Herath also met with U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Alison Hooker. The discussion focused on strengthening bilateral cooperation and advancing shared priorities between Sri Lanka and the United States.

Sri Lanka’s President Anura Kumara Dissanayake held discussions with Sergio Gor, Special Envoy for South and Central Asia appointed by former U.S. President Donald Trump, and Director of the White House Presidential Staff.

The meeting in New York City focused on enhancing cooperation in trade, commerce, tourism, and investment, with both parties expressing interest in expanding collaboration across these vital sectors.

President Dissanayake was accompanied by Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath and Permanent Representative Jayanta Jayasuriya during these high-level discussions.

When Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) swept into office a year ago, it marked the first time a leftist leader from the National People’s Power (NPP) had captured Sri Lanka’s presidency.

Riding a wave of frustration with mainstream parties and promising a “new political culture,” Dissanayake presented himself as the face of accountability, anti-corruption, and people-centered governance after years of economic hardship and elite impunity.

Ordinary citizens measure a government by their daily hardships. By this yardstick, many feel disappointed. Many people still praise AKD’s anti-corruption policies and some accountability measures. However, they complain that their cost of living has not reduced much. Others, especially youth who voted for change, express frustration that systemic issues are unchanged.

Polls indicate a dip in AKD’s popularity from the euphoria of election night. Opposition parties sense an opening, accusing him of betraying his own voters.

One year into office, President Dissanayake’s scorecard is a patchwork: modest gains on macro stability, welfare, and foreign policy; stalled progress on political reform and anti-corruption; and glaring failure on cost-of-living relief.

He faces a stark choice in year two: either use his political capital to deliver visible change, mainly in easing people’s burdens, or risk becoming another chapter in Sri Lanka’s long story of broken promises.

Twelve months later, his administration faces mixed reviews. Some of his campaign pledges like trimming presidential powers, pursuing corruption investigations, and expanding welfare, have seen partial traction. But on crucial fronts such as economic relief, public sector reform, and debt restructuring, expectations have collided with harsh realities.

Here is a scorecard of AKD’s first year, measured against his own promises.

1. Abolishing the “Executive Presidency” – Not Fulfilled

One of Dissanayake’s loudest campaign commitments was to dismantle the overbearing executive presidency that many critics blame for decades of authoritarianism and abuse of power. He pledged to introduce a system where the president would be largely ceremonial, with parliament and independent institutions playing stronger roles.

In practice, progress has been halting. A draft for constitutional reform was floated, with discussions about shifting powers to parliament and curbing presidential immunity. Yet, by his first anniversary in office, no concrete bill has been passed. Government allies argue that constitutional changes require a two-thirds majority and a referendum. Though the NPP has more than two-third parliament majority, it might struggle to win a referendum.

Opponents accuse Dissanayake of enjoying the very powers he once vowed to surrender. The promise remains unfulfilled, and public skepticism is mounting.

2. Fighting Corruption and Recovering Stolen Assets – Partially Fulfilled

Another cornerstone of AKD’s campaign was a pledge to hunt down corrupt politicians and business elites, recover looted wealth, and hold offenders accountable. In his early months, a few high-profile investigations were reopened. The Proceeds of Crime Act was used in several test cases, and his government pushed for tighter financial disclosure rules for MPs and officials.

However, critics say the results are cosmetic. No major conviction of a powerful figure has occurred yet. Asset recovery has been slow, and many cases are bogged down in court procedures. Civil society activists argue that the government lacks the political will to target allies and instead focuses on scapegoats from rival camps.

Supporters counter that systemic change takes time, and laying a legal framework is more important than instant headline arrests.

3. Cost of Living and Economic Relief – Not Fulfilled

Dissanayake’s most immediate promise to the electorate was easing the unbearable cost of living. His campaign narrative was built on empathy for ordinary Sri Lankans crushed by inflation, taxes, and shortages.

Yet one year in, the reality looks grim. While inflation has indeed fallen from crisis highs, food prices and utility bills remain punishing for lower- and middle-income families. Electricity tariff reforms demanded by the IMF remain a flashpoint, with his government reluctant to implement cost-reflective pricing but unable to shield households fully from hikes.

On taxation, the government has struggled to balance IMF conditions with popular pressure. Income and VAT increases have deepened public resentment.

Many citizens feel little tangible relief, accusing the president of abandoning his people-friendly rhetoric once in office.

4. Debt Restructuring and Economic Recovery – Partially Fulfilled

On the macroeconomic front, AKD inherited an IMF-supported program and a country emerging from default. His pledge was to renegotiate terms more equitably, protect sovereignty, and accelerate recovery.

To his credit, Sri Lanka has seen modest growth retud inflation run, improved foreign reserves, and stabilized inflation. Debt restructuring talks advanced during his first year, with significant progress on bilateral and commercial fronts. However, deals have dragged on longer than expected, and uncertainty clouds investor confidence.

The administration has promoted new foreign direct investment (FDI) deals in ports, energy, and agriculture. But critics argue the government lacks a coherent long-term industrial or export strategy.

5. Public Sector Reform and Job Creation – Not Fulfilled

Dissanayake promised to rationalize Sri Lanka’s bloated public sector, make it efficient, and generate jobs in productive sectors. But reforms have barely scratched the surface. The state payroll remains unwieldy, and attempts to restructure loss-making SOEs have stalled amid union resistance.

Unemployment among youth is still high, and many graduates remain underemployed. While vocational training and digital economy initiatives have been announced, their impact is not yet visible.

6. Social Protection and Welfare – Partially Fulfilled

To cushion vulnerable groups, AKD’s government expanded targeted welfare payments under the “Aswesuma” program, while trimming wasteful subsidies. Digital cash transfers have improved efficiency, though implementation has been uneven.

Poorer families acknowledge some benefits, but the broader public feels welfare alone cannot offset economic pain.

8. Foreign Policy with Non-Aligned Pragmatism – Partially Fulfilled

Dissanayake campaigned on restoring Sri Lanka’s non-aligned posture, distancing from great power rivalry while safeguarding sovereignty. In his first year, Colombo balanced ties with India, China, and the West, avoiding overt alignment.

His government courted investment from India and China but emphasized transparency in deals. Relations with the IMF, UN, and regional partners remain functional. However, Colombo’s handling of sensitive issues like Palestine and Ukraine has attracted scrutiny, with some accusing the president of fence-sitting.

10. New Political Culture – Not Fulfilled

One of AKD’s boldest promises was introducing a “new political culture”: clean politics, people-first governance, and transparency. A year later, the verdict is sobering.

While rhetoric has changed, old patterns remain: patronage, lack of consultation, and centralization of power. His cabinet has faced criticism for weak performance and a shortage of technocratic expertise. Parliamentary behaviour has not improved significantly.

The dream of transformative politics is still just a dream.

The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) today informed Colombo Chief Magistrate Asanga S. Bodaragama that out of 10,000 gold items believed to have belonged to the LTTE and discovered in camps, illegal banks and buildings in the Northern and Eastern Provinces during the humanitarian operation and thereafter sent to the National Gem and Jewellery Authority on court orders, 6,000 items have now been handed over to the Central Bank of Sri Lanka.

The court had earlier directed the National Gem and Jewellery Authority to examine the 10,000 gold items and submit a detailed report to court and to the CID, setting out the gold content and weight of the items.

Accordingly, CID officers told court that following such examination by the Authority, 6,000 items had been transferred to the Central Bank.

They further submitted this information while tendering an additional progress report when the case was taken up in court.

It had previously been brought to the attention of court that the gold items recovered in the Northern and Eastern Provinces during the humanitarian operation had either been voluntarily given by the local residents to the LTTE, or had been taken by the LTTE from them by force, and that investigations are continuing to ascertain these matters.