No Travel Ban on Sri Lanka, Confirms U.S. Ambassador

Julie Chung, the U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka, has clarified that there is no travel ban on Sri Lanka.

Addressing recent concerns, she emphasized that the U.S. security alert issued last week was specific to the Arugam Bay area due to a particular threat.

“When we became aware of a specific threat in the Arugam Bay area, we shared these known details with the Sri Lankan authorities, who responded quickly,” Chung stated. “We continue to actively coordinate with them on a daily basis, and we value our partnership with Sri Lanka’s leadership and security officials, whose commitment to safety and transparency is notable.”

Chung also addressed misinformation circulating about the travel advisory.

“Our security alert last week is for Americans to avoid Arugam Bay until further notice, but our overall security advisory for Sri Lanka remains exactly the same at Level 2, which has been so for many years. This is similar to advisories for many other popular destinations, including the Maldives, France, and Italy. All the same at Level 2, Sri Lanka remains at Level 2,” she added.

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US Ambassador meets new Governor to discuss collaboration

US Ambassador Julie Chung met with newly appointed Governor Nagalingam Vedanayagam last week in Jaffna to discuss potential collaborative efforts between the United States and Sri Lanka.

In a post on ‘X’, Ambassador Chung highlighted several areas for potential cooperation, including economic opportunities, infrastructure improvements, and agricultural development.

During her visit, she also toured the American Corner in Jaffna, where she interacted with young Sri Lankans involved in the English Access Microscholarship Programme. “There’s nothing like the energy and enthusiasm of young people eager to learn — especially when they’re having fun,” she remarked.

Ambassador Chung also held a meeting with Bishop Gnanapragasam to discuss Sri Lanka’s progress in justice and reconciliation efforts.

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Anura Kumara Dissanayake and the formation of the National People’s Power By D.B.S.Jeyaraj

February 2nd 2014 was a red letter day in the life of Anura Kumara Dissanayake. It was on this day that the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna’s 17th national convention was held. The highlight of that convention was the change of leadership in the JVP. Somawansa Amerasinghe who held the reins for 24 years stepped down. Anura Kumara Dissanayake known popularly as Anura and AKD became the new JVP leader.

Prior to the convention, it was generally known that Somawansa was going to retire as the JVP leader. The ‘unknown” was his future successor. The names of JVP stalwarts such as K.D. Lalkantha, Tilvin Silva, Vijitha Herath, Sunil Handunneththi, Bimal Ratnayake and Anura Kumara Dissanayake were bandied about as potential successors. Among these the General Secretary Tilvin Silva was tipped to be the new leader.

After announcing his “retirement” as JVP leader, Somawansa Amerasinghe, proposed the name of AK Dissanayake as the new leader. It was seconded by Tilvin Silva himself. The proposal was approved unanimously. Tilvin Silva and Vijitha Herath were re-elected as General Secretary and Propaganda Secretary respectively. Bimal Ratnayake was elected as national organiser while the retired leader Somawansa Amerasinghe was appointed as International Affairs Secretary.

What was remarkable about the leadership change was the smooth , non-confrontational manner in which it was done. There was a visible absence of inner-party squabbling or factionalism that is prevalent in most political parties in Sri Lanka. Anura had endeared himself to most members of the JVP over the years and was therefore acceptable to all. Besides the party was somewhat weakened and de-moralised after the Wimal Weerawansa faction split of 2008 and the Kumar Gunaratnam group split of 2012. The JVP required a renewed sense of direction under a fresh leader and AKD seemed to fit that bill.

Two Major Elections

After donning the mantle of JVP leadership, Anura Kumara Dissanayake faced two major elections in 2015. One was the presidential election of January 2015. The other was the Parliamentary poll of August 2015. The then Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena defected after partaking of an egg hopper dinner with the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa and became the common opposition candidate at the presidential election.

In 2010 former Army Commander Sarath Fonseka was the common opposition candidate against Mahind Rajapaksa. The JVP actively campaigned for Fonseka along with other opposition parties. Fonseka lost. In the 2010 Parliamentary elections the JVP contested as part of the alliance led by Sarath Fonseka. The Democratic National Alliance got seven seats. Of these four were obtained by the JVP. Anura himself was appointed to Parliament as a national list MP.

In 2015, the JVP’s new leader AKD adopted a different approach towards the presidential election. Unlike in 2010, the JVP did not join the combined opposition election campaign. At the same time it firmly opposed Mahinda Rajapaksa’s attempt to be president for a third term. While not supporting the common opposition candidate Sirisena directly, the JVP lent indirect support by conducting a vigorous anti-Rajapaksa campaign separately. The JVP staged many meetings where speakers castigated the Rajapaksa rule vehemently. The JVP did not ask people to vote for Sirisena but wanted the people to vote against Rajapaksa. Sirisena won.

When Parliamentary elections were held in August 2015, the JVP again deviated from the position it adopted in 2010. Instead of joining an opposition alliance as in 2010, the JVP struck out alone contesting elections. In a sense it was a return to the past where the JVP contested Parliamentary polls alone as in 2000 and 2001. It was in 2004 and 2010 that the JVP contested Parliamentary polls as part of an alliance.

The 2015 poll was the first Parliamentary election faced by the JVP under Anura’s leadership. The JVP contested in all electoral districts and polled 543,944 (4.87) votes. This entitled the JVP to six MPs,four elected and two on the national list. Anura himself contested from the Colombo district and won with 65,966 preference votes.

“Unity” Govt

The JVP remained in the opposition along with the Tamil National Alliance (TNA). A provision in the SLFP constitution had enabled Maithripala Sirisena to become SLFP leader by virtue of being elected President of Sri Lanka. The UNP led by Ranil Wickremesinghe and SLFP led by Maithripala Sirisena entered into an agreement and formed a “unity” Govt with Ranil as prime minister. Nominally the SLFP was part of the Govt though over 50 of its MPs loyal to Mahinda functioned as an opposition entity. They were not accredited as being officially in the opposition by the then speaker Karu Jayasuriya.

Thus in a quirky twist, the TNA and JVP were regarded as the main opposition parties. TNA leader Rajavarothayam Sampanthan became leader of the opposition. JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake became the chief whip of the opposition. This unusual state of affairs changed after the abortive October 26th 2018 Parliamentary coup in which Sirisena dismissed Ranil as PM and appointed Mahinda in his place. However, this tragicomic episode ended in December following court rulings. Both Sampanthan and Dissanayake ceased to be opposition leader and chief opposition whip thereafter.

Two important happenings occurred during the time of the Sirisena -Wickremesinghe administration. One was the setting up of a Constitutional assembly to draft a new Constitution. The JVP participated in proceedings and cooperated fully in drafting an interim report. It is noteworthy that the JVP under AKD softened its earlier stance on devolution and the provincial councils during this exercise. It must also be noted that the JVP has stated it would follow through with the Constitution-making process during its rule.

The second important happening was the birth of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and its commendable performance in the local authority polls of 2018. While Mahinda and his loyalists were compelled to remain as SLFP MP’s, Basil Rajapaksa formed a new party with the lotus bud or pohottuwa as its symbol. The SLPP contested the 2018 local authority elections and polled 4,941,952 (44.65%) votes. 3369 Councillors were elected from the SLPP that took control of 231 Local government bodies. The “newcomer” beat the UNP and SLFP thereby indicating the changed political power equation in the country.

As for the JVP, the party did not do well in the local authority polls. The party polled 693,875 (6.27%) votes with 431 members being elected to various local bodies. The JVP failed to capture power in a single local authority.

Introspection Within JVP

The relatively poor performances of the JVP in the 2015 Parliamentary elections and the 2018 local authority polls led to much introspection within the party. The JVP’s public meetings and mass rallies were well attended. The crowds appeared to be supportive. Yet at voting time, the JVP finished a poor third. It was as if the JVP was doomed to be a fringe party eternally with the consolation prize of being described as the third force in Sri Lankan politics by the media.

The JVP led by its chief Anura Kumara Dissanayake engaged in a lot of soul searching after the party’s dismal show in the 2015 and 2018 polls. JVP leaders especially AKD began interacting with selected politicians from other parties, academics, media personnel, political analysts, community leaders and supporters in the Diaspora about the JVP’s future course of action.

The JVP was no longer a believer in or adherent of revolutionary violence after the terrible experiences of 1971 and 1988-90.It had abandoned the bullet for the ballot. What the JVP wanted was to acquire political power through legitimate democratic avenues. It was victory through voting that it desired. The people of Sri Lanka however were not voting in large numbers for the JVP. Was the JVP destined to be always a third to the two main political parties and be labelled perpetually as the third force? How could this situation be remedied?

There were many who suggested that the JVP should be part of an alliance led by a progressive party. Others suggested that the JVP forge together a united front consisting of left-leaning parties. However, many in the JVP were not in favour. Chief among these was the JVP chief AKD himself. Anura did not want the JVP to tag along with others in an alliance or united front. AKD wanted the JVP to be the principal player and not play a subordinate role.

After protracted consultations with external elements and prolonged internal discussions the JVP resolved to form a broad alliance or front. The JVP would remain the pivotal power in that alliance and maintain its position of pre-eminence. Overtly the JVP would be the first among equals (Primus Inter Pares) in the new set up. Covertly the JVP would be in control. The JVP would remain faithful to its political philosophy and retain its core principles. In a sense it would be old wine in a new bottle.

Jathika Jana Balawegaya

And so the Jathika Jana Balawegaya (JJB) or National People’s Power (NPP) was born. On 13 July 2019, hundreds of persons comprising political activists, Trade Unionists, artistes, professionals and academics, converged at the BMICH in Colombo. The National Peoples Power (NPP) known in Tamil as the Thesiya Makkal Sakthi (TMS) was formally launched at the BMICH following a motion proposed by Anura Dissanayake and seconded by Tilvin Silva.

JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake was elected as leader of the NPP also. The NPP General Secretary was Dr.Nihal Abeysinghe. Dr.Harini Amarasuriya and Lal Wijenayake were the deputy secretaries. The treasurer was Eranga Gunasekara.

This is how the NPP describes itself in the official website – “Jathika Jana Balawegaya (NPP), is a dynamic political movement comprising 21 diverse groups, including political parties, youth organisations, women’s groups, trade unions, and civil society organisations. Established in 2019, NPP is driven by a shared vision of fostering a more progressive Sri Lanka. Our core objectives encompass cultivating an uncorrupted, service-oriented, accountable, and transparent political culture, promoting economic democracy for fairer wealth distribution, strengthening social protections, and championing an inclusive, democratic Sri Lankan identity. Our organisational structure, from the Steering Committee to District Executive Councils, empowers voices at all levels, making NPP a force for positive change in the nation.”

The NPP consists of 21 groups, including political parties, youth organisations, women’s groups, trade unions, and civil society organisations. They are –Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, Aluth Parapura, Ethera Api, Public Servants for Public Service, National Bhikkhu Front, National Trade Union Centre, Sri Lanka Communist Party (Alternative Group), Doctors for Social Justice, Samabhimani Collective, United Left Power, Inter Company Employees’ Union, 71 Sahodrathwa Sansadaya, Aluth Piyapath, Mass Guiding Artists, Janodanaya, National Intellectuals Organisation, Dabindu Collective, University Teachers for Social Justice, Progressive Women’s Collective, Husmata Husmak and All Ceylon Estate Workers’ Union.

The chief decision making body in the NPP is the National Executive Committee. According to the NPP website the national executive committee members are –Anura Kumara Dissanayake (Leader), Professor Liyanage Amarakirthi, Vijita Herath, Lal Wijenayake, Nimala Siriwardena, Ravi Siriwardena, Asoka Peiris, Dr. Nihal Abeysinghe, Bimal Ratnayake, Professor Anil Jayantha Fernando, Kamal Perera, Mahinda Ratnayake, Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, Professor Vijay Kumar, Harshana Nanayakkara, Lal Kantha, Sheikh Munir Mulaffar, Ajith Hadley Perera, Sunil Handunneththi, Ananda Wijepala, Visakesha Chandrasekharm, Dr. Nalinda Jayathissa, Professor Wasantha Subasinghe, Upul Kumarapperuma, Professor Chrishantha Abeysena, Jagath Manuvarna, Muditha Nanayakkara, Ramalingam Chandrasekar, Saroja Savitri Paulraj, Professor Sunil Seneviratne, Kumara Jayakody, Vraie Cally Balthazar, Samantha Vidyaratne, Professor Jinasena Hevage, I. N. Ikram, Wasantha Samarasinghe, Charith Galhena, Premaratne Tennakon, Dr. Rizvi Sali, Dr. Kaushalya Ariyaratne, Aruna Shanta Nonis, Nihal Galappatti, Samanmalee Gunasinghe, Dr. Ajith De Mel, Chaminda Jayasuriya, Vijith Rohana, Namal Karunaratne, P.D.N.K.Palihena, Krishnan Kalaichchelvi, Sunil Watagala, Dr. H.P. Dhammika, Professor Upali Panilage, Nalin Hewage, Chaturanga Abeysinghe, Eranga Weeraratne, Kitnan Selvaraj Lakshman Nipunarachchi, R.M. Jayawardene, Sandun Yaapa, Dr. Ashoka Ranwala, Ravindu Usvatakeiya, Arun Hemachandra, Rathne Gamage, Upali Samarasinghe, Wasantha Piyathissa, Mahinda Jayasinghe, Eranga Gunasekara, Shantha Padmakumara, Gamagedara Dissanayake, T.B.Sarath, Manjula Suraweera Arachchi, Dr. Anura Karunathileka and Professor Chandana Abeyrathne.

NPP’s Electoral Baptism

The JVP led NPP had its electoral baptism in the presidential election of November 2019. Anura Kumara Dissanayake contested the presidential elections for the first time. The NPP symbol was the compass. The NPP candidate was supported by the National Front for Good Governance (NFGG) and the United Leftist Front (ULF). As is typical of JVP organised political meetings, there were huge crowds to see and listen to Anura.

Yet the results were a big disappointment. Anura came third polling only 418,563 (3.15%) votes. Ten months later came the 2020 Parliamentary elections. The NPP led by AK Dissanayake contested in all the electoral districts. Again it was a big blow for the JVP led NPP. The compass was able to garner only 445,958 (3.84%) votes. This was less than the 543,944 (4.87%) votes the JVP got in 2015.

The MP tally too was halved. In 2015 the JVP got six with four elected MPs and two on the national list. In 2020 the NPP got only three with two elected MPs and one on the national list. AK Dissanayake won in Colombo with 49,814 preferences. In 2015 AKD got 65,066 preferences. Vijitha Herath won in Gampaha with 37,008 preferences. The National list seat went to Dr. Harini Amarasuriya.

Third Force Status

The verdicts of the 2019 presidential and 2020 Parliamentary poll indicated that attempts to do better in elections by contesting as the NPP had not yielded the expected results. It appeared that whatever the electoral strategy, the JVP could not increase its vote share. Whether the JVP contested as the NPP or not, the party could never transcend its third force status it seemed.

This was indeed a trying time for Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s leadership. A lesser man may have wilted under adverse pressure. But the Rajarata lad who could swim the entire distance of Nuwara wewa and back was made of sterner stuff. Anura prepared to swim against the current. He re-structured the JVP led NPP’s electoral approach and re-furbished his political image.

AKD Making History

These changes brought about a change in the public mood. This led to AKD making history as the first leftist to be elected as president of Sri Lanka. This triumphant tale would be told in detail in the fifth and final part of this article.

D.B.S.Jeyaraj can be reached at dbsjeyaraj@yahoo.com

A Pareto Analysis of the Jana Balawegaya Force

Pareto Analysis is a decision-making tool based on the Pareto Principle, also known as the 80/20 rule. This principle suggests that roughly 80% of effects come from 20% of causes.

The Pareto principle is a good guide that is useful for analyzing the causes and effects of the 9th presidential election results held on 21 September 2024 in Sri Lanka. Exit polls predicted a 28% vote gain for NPP, which rounded up with 43% votes polled. Presumably, a further 15% complemented the tally from the protest votes of the frustrated electorate of Rajapakse and Wickramasinghe’s corrupt partnership and cemented the victory of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake.

The Jane Balawegaya force that propelled the recent electoral shift to position President Anura Kumara Dissanayake as the 9th President of Sri Lanka was a culmination of protest votes of the 80 per cent of the frustrated electorate in totality, who were determined to chase the 20 per cent corrupt elitist who proclaimed to be the political pundits pretending to be the experts of rescuing the country bankrupted by them.

This writer opines that the seeds of the Aragalaya movement with the GoHomeGota campaign culminated in the mobilization of the protest wave headed by two political brands carrying the Jana Balawegaya suffix: National People’s Power (NPP) and Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB). Eighty per cent rallied with Jana Balawegaya and silenced the twenty per cent corrupt elitists, paving the way for a system change.

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The election of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake as the 9th Executive President of Sri Lanka is a great consolation for those who fearlessly took to the street and joined the Go Home Gota campaign. A true son of a commoner from Thabuttegama who was not a part of the corrupt system is now tasked to initiate the necessary change for installing a functioning system to uplift the quality of life of the marginalized, vulnerable, non-corrupt, innocent people from the grasp of the corrupt elites who had been enjoying power at the expense of poor and destitute are now aspiring for a sigh of relief.

This essay aims to visualize how electoral opinions ahead of the parliamentary election in November 2024 will shape the socio-political landscape in Sri Lanka in the future.

No man or woman is greater than his or her task.

A mammoth task is ahead of President AKD. Undoing the entitlement-driven welfaristic socio-economic system. Which is not an easy task with varying degrees of expectations from different social strata. As a nation, the majority of Sri Lankans are for a system change, and 80% of the Jana Balawegaya force needs to be patient in realizing their dreams. At this stage, all Sri Lankans should stand in unity irrespective of their political opinions, putting the country before all other priorities. Sticking with ideologies will not take the country forward, except understanding the reality and introducing the right strategies with essential structural changes. Denouncing Marxism as NPP’s core ideology is a welcome move. It is also important to remember that debt-burdened neo-liberal economic policies have ruined many economies. Sri Lankans need to invent an original socio-economic strategy that is unique, with socialism at the core. Yet, the policymakers should not get saddled with failed policy tools of “Brahmin Socialism” propagated by economists and think tanks without understanding the ground reality.

All Sri Lankans owe a heartening appreciation towards the judiciary since the Aragalaya for standing with justice and delivering candid judgements proving professionalism and its unquestionable independence, which was not to the liking of the politicians in power and expressed their surprise suspecting of judicial cannibalism. However, the 2024 presidential election results prove that the United National Party, the oldest political party in the country, has been cannibalized by its leader, Mr Ranil Wickramasinghe.

This writer opines that the deterioration trend of law and order paving the way for corrupt, unsustainable privileges led to political culture emerging with the enactment of the 1978 constitution under the leadership of President J R Jayawardena. Since then, there has been no rule of law taking precedence, unlike the rule of lawyers who dismantled the order of the nation from time to time in the name of democracy, purely for state capture to remain in power. In the recent past, we only witnessed the functioning of “Hora-Police” governments bankrupting the nation. Many of those governments consisted of policymakers who were professionally qualified lawyers.

President AKD deserves credit for taking a few important critical steps, such as appointing credible people to high office in the government. Amongst them is the appointment of an IGP, a respected policeman, and a rank constable to head the institution and be responsible for maintaining the law and order of the country. Similarly, sacking the head of Sri Lanka’s State Intelligence Service (SIS) and bringing the agency under police control from military control is a critical decision. Choosing the right horses for courses is a step in the right direction and is a praiseworthy achievement of President AKD in the short span of power. Similarly, he should give the right drums to the competent drummers to maintain the rhythm of the much-anticipated system change.

It is heartening to note that the Secretary General of the Constitutional Council is calling for an application to fill the vacancy of the Director-General of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIAOBOC) by 28 October 2024. This is another consolation for those who aspire to a system change by holding the corrupt accountable for wrongdoing. In the current atmosphere, the Constitutional Council will have a tough time selecting the right person for the job.

The aforementioned actions deserve commendation for the tasks accomplished by President AKD so far, and the rest of the bucket list will unfold in the days ahead. Putting the Executive and Judiciary on the right path in a short period deserves commendation and appreciation for foresighted actions for the common good of the nation. President AKD has shown his integrity and proven his mental standing tall against many other tasks ahead. Now, all Sri Lankans have the chance to elect a functioning government at the forthcoming parliamentary election on 14 November 2024. Although the Jana Balawegaya swing was high, favouring the NPP at the presidential election and getting the right mandate to form a government, even with a simple majority at the parliamentary election, will be a challenge. President AKD possessed the personality to appeal to the voters to cast their choice, but NPP had to face the parliamentary election sans the popularity brand of AKD.

Stand for one right thing, or opt to fall for everything.

Pareto analysis was cited at the beginning as a vital tool for assessing the degree of frustration amongst the marginalized and vulnerable groups in our society. This group was the dominant sector for the NPP’s electoral gain. It is worth remembering the phenomenon of reality: all revolutions start in the belly once every four hours when hunger triggers action.

International donor agencies still estimate that nearly 23% of the population has been pushed into absolute poverty. The helpless schoolgirl drinking water with sugar to sustain life, as circulated on social media, is a true testimony. An island with an abundance of natural resources and a manageable population, nestled in the tropics, grappling to provide basic needs to its population is unfortunate. This is the systemic failure that policymakers need to address on a priority basis.

Addressing the burning issues of the marginalized poor (දුකට පත්) due to lack of choice, 20% has to be dealt with urgency. First and foremost, identifying these vulnerable groups is a challenge. Dishing out social welfare in the past as a privilege in exchange for political patronage has to end. The shortcomings of Samurdhi and Aswesuma have to be handled carefully. Social protection with taxpayers’ funds needs to be disbursed as a direct cash transfer to the deserving. The classic example to follow from India is how Prime Minister Modi’s government used digital technology with biometrics to identify and implement the “Aadhar” scheme. All divisional secretaries have to be tasked to identify the most deserving 20% of those struggling to feed, especially those living in the plantations, in the urban areas working poor- and those who lost their businesses during the past few years, the Micro Small and Medium Entrepreneurs.

Poverty anywhere is a danger for prosperity everywhere – Philadelphia Declaration.

The Sri Lankan electorate is quite capable of using their franchise quite intelligently. They demonstrated their candid maturity in the presidential elections. People’s power to act fearlessly reoriented and well-rooted in Sri Lanka with the Aragalaya movement in early 2022. Sri Lankans have proven peacefully that people’s power is always greater than those who get elected to hold power over the rest of the world. In the same spirit, Sri Lankans will make the right choice in electing the next government on 14 November 2024.

This writer aspires for the next administration under President AKD to be a national and unity government. It could be a Jana Balawegaya coalition to initiate the preliminary framework for meaningful stakeholder consultations with transparent social dialogues. The famous Philadelphia Declaration of 1944 is cited as the sub-heading to caution as to how hunger and poverty can become a tide against the governments in power. Unless the policy-making targets bringing in incremental changes to address the issues confronted by those, the bottom 20% of the social pyramid will stand in the way of bringing in the fundamental changes the majority of 80% of Sri Lankans aspire for. As reported in the media, poverty rates have nearly doubled to 23.4% of the population in 2024. A family of four needs an income of Rs. 100,000 per month to meet a minimum nutritional intake of 2030 kcal per day. These 20% will have the capacity to change the direction of the people’s mandate to govern.

The right Diagnosis of the compelling causes is half of the solution.

There is no doubt that to swing opinions at the elections; political parties follow the strategy of kindling the emotions of the voters through anger>>>hope>> leading to Actions. Accusing the opponents of various corruption allegations and personal weaknesses dominates election campaigns everywhere in the world. Most of the elections are now won by managing the misinformation effectively through social media. Frustrated marginalized and vulnerable groups’ expectations remain at a very high level. The current fiscal limitations limit extending any worthwhile assistance. Hence, those who are keen to stabilize the economy need to address the issues with practical solutions before they run out of patience.

Thus, whoever gets the mandate to form the next government needs to identify the structural problems hindering the strengthening of the producers and consumers, who are the important pillars in the real economy that drives growth. Moreover, they need to come up with incremental policy changes that are mainstreamed first and critical fundamental policy changes embedded with the necessary structural changes at a gradual pace.

Jayasri Priyalal

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Executive Power Cleansed, Next Step is Parliament, says Sri Lanka’s PM

Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya said a a nation-building journey that aligns with the expectations of the people has begun.

Speaking at a public gathering in Puwakpitiya, she emphasized the responsibilities that will be entrusted to the citizens on November 14th.

Addressing the crowd, Dr. Amarasuriya highlighted the government’s commitment to implementing necessary changes within the executive power and the political culture systematically.

She stressed that the government is not focused on media spectacles or deceptive narratives but on building trust through transparency and honesty.

“We have only the executive power, which we are exercising through the smallest cabinet in the world. We are systematically implementing the changes needed within this system and the political culture. You did not expect media spectacles or deceptive narratives from us. We have been honest with you, and we have built trust through open communication. This foundation is essential for building the country,” said Dr. Amarasuriya.

She further explained that the first step taken was to cleanse the executive power and transform it into a democratic force.

Referring to promises made by Anura Kumara Dissanayake, she noted that the dissolution of Parliament was a fulfillment of his commitment to provide an opportunity to cleanse the Parliament before a significant period elapsed after winning the presidential election.

“On November 14th, you have the opportunity to cleanse the Parliament. You have already cleansed the executive. Now, it is time to cleanse the Parliament,” she added.

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Sri Lanka Sets Up 13,421 Polling Stations for General Election

The Election Commission has announced the establishment of 13,421 polling stations for the upcoming parliamentary elections, tailored to the number of registered voters across the country.

In the Colombo District, 1,204 polling stations will accommodate 1,765,351 voters, while Gampaha District will have 1,212 stations for its 1,881,129 voters. Kalutara District will see 735 polling stations for 1,024,240 voters. Mannar District, which has the lowest number of registered voters at 90,607, will have 108 polling stations.

In addition to the polling stations, 2,034 counting centers will be operational. The Election Commission confirmed that a total of 17,430,354 voters are eligible to participate in the elections.

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India-Sri Lanka Joint Task Force to convene in Colombo to address fisheries disputes

The Indo-Sri Lanka Joint Task Force will hold its sixth meeting tomorrow (29) at the Mahaweli Center in Colombo, as confirmed by M. P. N. M. Wickramasinghe, Secretary of Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Fisheries.

The meeting will bring together 12 officials to discuss key bilateral concerns, especially the ongoing issue of bottom trawling by Indian fishermen in Sri Lankan waters.

Since assuming office, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has prioritized addressing the environmental and economic impacts of bottom trawling—a fishing method that involves dragging heavy nets across the seafloor, which can cause long-term ecological damage, he said, adding that in line with the President’s directive, the Ministry of Fisheries has engaged with Indian authorities through diplomatic channels to tackle this issue collaboratively.

The meeting will focus on curbing the operations of approximately 400 to 500 Indian trawlers that enter Sri Lankan waters around three times a week, posing significant threats to the marine ecosystem and local fisheries.

Furthermore, Wickramasinghe said that steps will be taken to inform Indian officials about the stringent legal actions that will be enforced against Indian fishermen engaging in this illegal fishing practice.

The upcoming session follows five previous meetings, with the most recent round held in Sri Lanka on March 22, 2022. Both nations are expected to explore constructive solutions to the ongoing trawling crisis while reinforcing their commitment to sustainable fishing practices and preserving marine biodiversity.

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Massive crowd at Vijay’s New Party Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam meeting

Indian actor Thalapathy Vijay has made his official entry into politics with the launch of his new party, Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam. The inaugural event was held on October 27 in Vikravandi, Tamil Nadu, drawing large crowds of enthusiastic supporters.

Vijay, a popular figure in South Indian cinema, delivered his first speech as a political leader, marking a significant step into the political arena. His move into politics has garnered widespread attention, especially among his fanbase, who have shown strong support for his transition from film to public life.

Train services on Northern Line to resume tomorrow

The train services from Colombo Fort to Kankasanturai which was halted for months owing to the maintenance and development activities will resume starting tomorrow, October 28, the Department of Railways has announced.

This development follows the successful completion of modernization work along the railway stretch between Mahawa and Anuradhapura, enhancing connectivity and convenience for passengers traveling to the northern regions of the country.

In light of the renewed operations, the Railway Department urges the public to exercise caution at railway crossings. With trains now running on the Northern Railway, it is essential for everyone to prioritize safety and adhere to all crossing regulations, as per the department.

The statement issued by the Railway Department regarding the manner in which trains will be operational on the Northern Line is as follows;

NPP wins big in Elpitiya Pradeshiya Sabha election

The National People’s Party (NPP) has achieved a major victory in the Elpitiya Pradeshiya Sabha election held on Saturday (26).

With a strong showing, NPP secured 17,295 votes, the highest number of votes among all parties, and won a total of 15 seats.

Out of 36,305 valid votes cast, the NPP gained a clear majority, while other parties like Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) and the People’s Alliance won fewer seats.

SJB received 7,924 votes and secured 6 seats, while the People’s Alliance received 2,612 votes and won 2 seats.

Further, the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), which received 3,597 votes, won 3 seats.

The total voter turnout was 36,825 out of 55,643 registered voters.

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