Asoka Ranwala elected speaker of Sri Lanka’s tenth parliament, Rizvie Salih deputy

National People’s Power (NPP) Gampaha District Member of Parliament Member of Parliament Asoka Sapumal Ranwala has been unanimously appointed as the new Speaker of Parliament.

Dr Mohamed Rizvie Salih was appointed as Deputy Speaker.

His name was proposed by Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya.

It was seconded by Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath.

There were no other contenders for the post.

Ranwala addressed the forum thereafter

The first sitting of the 10th Parliament of Sri Lanka commenced at 10.00 a.m. this morning (21) with the participation of the newly-elected legislators.

Welcoming the new Speaker, representatives of political parties including PM Harini Amarasuriya, Samagi Jaba Balawegaya (SJB) leader Sajith Premadasa, Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) leader Rauf hakeem extended their best wishes to him.

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Sajith Premadasa named Opposition Leader of 10th Parliament

The Speaker of Parliament Asoka Ranwala announced today (21) that President Anura Kumara Dissanayke has officially recognised Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) MP Sajith Premadasa as the Leader of the Opposition.

The announcement was made during the inaugural session of the 10th Parliament, where the Speaker conveyed the President’s communications to the House.

Following this announcement, proceedings were adjourned until 11:30 a.m., when the President is scheduled to deliver the government’s policy statement to the Parliament.

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Ambika Samuel doubles Malayaha representation in Sri Lanka’s parliament

Ambika Samuel, the first Malayaha woman to secure a seat in Sri Lanka’s parliamentary election, says others from her community will follow.

“I am the first to enter politics from here, and my brothers and sisters will undoubtedly follow,” Samuel told reporters.

Samuel was elected to the parliament at the general election held on November 14 from the Badulla district representing the National People’s Power party.

She is the daughter of plantation worker parents, and has been a grassroot level social activist.

“I studied political science for A/Level and was fascinated by Marxism, and I realised what we studied in school and what was practiced in other countries were two different things,” she told an interviewer ahead of the election.

“I was drawn to politics because I wanted to do something for my community. But people like me found it hard to enter politics because there are already established persons from our community.”

After A/Levels, she earned a diploma, and worked for the Education Cooperative Society. “One of the main problems our people have is the language barrier, so I taught Sinhala and English in areas where that was not available.”

Malayahas are Indian workers who arrived during the British period. They were denied formal citizenship after independence through a citizenship law enacted by a national assembly in the style seen in European nation-states, though they were born in the island and some were returned to India.

Citizenship was eventually given through the Grant of Citizenship to Persons of Indian Origin Act, No. 35 of 2003, but the community, many of them plantation workers, still faces many issues.

Samuel, as well as generational politician and former minister Jeevan Thondaman, will now represent the community in the 10th parliament and hopefully ensure quality education, healthcare and many other facilities.

Pilleyan appears before CID

Former State Minister Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, also known as Pilleyan, arrived at the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) this morning (20) to provide a statement.

He arrived to provide a statement regarding the controversial Channel 4 documentary on the 2019 Easter Sunday terror attacks in Sri Lanka.

Earlier, the CID launched an investigation into the documentary telecast by Britain’s Channel 4 on the Easter bombings. The documentary, titled ‘Sri Lanka’s Easter Bombings’, was broadcast on September 6, 2023, and features a statement from Muhammad Millar Muhammad Hansir, also known as Azad Hansir Maulana. He was a media presenter and finance secretary for the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP) party, which was led by Pilleyan.

Police said an external organisation has filed a formal complaint with the Ministry of Public Security regarding the documentary. The complaint was then forwarded to Police Headquarters and handed over to the CID for further investigations.

The CID is probing several issues, including the dissemination of controversial information about the Easter attacks and potential conspiracies outlined in the Penal Code.

The department also presented the matter to the Fort Magistrate’s Court on November 11, according to police.

Pilleyan was initially summoned to the CID on November 12 to provide a statement regarding a new investigation into the Easter Sunday attacks. However, he requested an alternative date for his statement.

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US Court extends stay for third time on litigation over SL ISBs by Hamilton Reserve Bank

The US District Court for the Southern District of New York has recently granted Sri Lanka’s motion to extend the stay of litigation involving the nation’s defaulted international sovereign bonds (ISBs) until the end of this month.

This decision marks the third extension in the high-stakes legal case brought against the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka by Hamilton Reserve Bank Ltd., which claims over $ 240 million in unpaid bonds. The litigation stems from Sri Lanka’s financial default in 2022, a direct result of the economic turmoil that has engulfed the island nation in recent years.

Sri Lanka, grappling with one of its worst economic crises in history, defaulted on its ISBs in May 2022. This marked a significant blow to the country’s financial stability and reputation on the global stage.

Since then, Sri Lanka has been striving to restructure its debt under the framework of a $ 2.9 billion International Monetary Fund (IMF) Extended Fund Facility (EFF). The program aims to provide financial relief in phases over four years, contingent on implementing critical economic reforms and successful agreements with sovereign and private creditors.

In recent months, Sri Lanka has made significant progress in its debt restructuring efforts under former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. The country finalised agreements with sovereign creditors, including the Paris Club members, and secured terms with the Export-Import Bank of China. Additionally, a crucial agreement with private bondholders was reached in September 2024, backed by consultations with the IMF. These developments underscore Sri Lanka’s commitment to resolving its financial obligations while navigating a complex global economic environment. However, challenges persist as the nation works against tight deadlines to implement its restructuring plans.

The Court’s decision to extend the stay highlights its recognition of Sri Lanka’s progress and the critical need to maintain stability during this delicate restructuring process. The stay has been instrumental in allowing the country to finalise its debt agreements without the distraction of ongoing litigation.

Hamilton Reserve Bank, the plaintiff in the case, has raised concerns over the repeated delays, arguing that Sri Lanka might indefinitely seek stays to avoid fulfilling its bond obligations. Nevertheless, the Court emphasised that each extension has been assessed on its own merits, and Sri Lanka’s demonstrated progress has justified the delays.

This legal development coincides with a transformative political shift in Sri Lanka. In September, National People’s Power leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake was elected as the President of Sri Lanka. His party secured a decisive two-thirds majority at the 14 November General Election, marking a turning point in Sri Lanka’s political landscape. This landslide victory reflects a strong mandate from the Sri Lankan public, who have grown increasingly dissatisfied with years of economic mismanagement and political instability under previous administrations. Dissanayake’s leadership promises a new era of reform-oriented governance aimed at rebuilding trust and steering the nation toward stability.

However, with the Court’s decision granting a critical window of opportunity, Sri Lanka now stands at a crossroads. The international spotlight is firmly fixed on its next steps, and the world waits to see whether the island nation can capitalise on this extended timeline to secure a sustainable future. For President Dissanayake and his Government, the coming weeks will be a defining moment in their quest to rebuild a nation shaken by crisis and poised for recovery.

President Dissanayake has assured both domestic and international stakeholders of his administration’s unwavering commitment to the IMF-backed debt restructuring program.

In a statement to the Court, officials confirmed that the Government would uphold the program’s targets and accelerate the implementation of the restructuring plan. This assurance seeks to address concerns raised by creditors and observers that political changes might derail Sri Lanka’s fragile recovery process. Dissanayake’s administration appears poised to leverage its electoral mandate to push through critical reforms, although balancing the competing demands of creditors and the public remains a daunting task.

The Parliamentary Election victory has fortified the Government’s ability to implement reforms, providing a semblance of political stability amid economic uncertainty. However, Sri Lanka’s road to recovery is fraught with challenges. The Government must navigate the intricacies of international negotiations while addressing domestic economic woes, including high inflation, unemployment, and public discontent over austerity measures. The delicate interplay of economic recovery and political reform will determine the success of Sri Lanka’s efforts to emerge from its multifaceted crisis.

While the US Court’s ruling provides a temporary reprieve for Sri Lanka, it also underscores the urgency of swift and decisive action in the coming weeks. The stay extension grants the nation additional time to finalise and launch its formal bond exchange offer, a critical step in its debt restructuring plan.

Citigroup Global Markets Inc. has been appointed to oversee the execution of this complex process, which includes legal documentation, consent solicitation, and the formal exchange of bonds. The Government has indicated that this process should be completed by the end of the year, aligning with the extended timeline granted by the court.

The international community has largely supported Sri Lanka’s efforts. Members of the Paris Club, including France, Canada, and the United Kingdom, have commended the country’s progress and advocated for the continuation of the stay to facilitate ongoing negotiations.

The United States has also expressed its support through multiple Statements of Interest, underscoring the importance of a stable resolution to Sri Lanka’s debt crisis. This international backing has been crucial in enabling Sri Lanka to navigate the complexities of its restructuring process while maintaining confidence among creditors.

The stakes remain high as Sri Lanka races against the clock to implement its restructuring plan. The outcome of these efforts will not only shape the nation’s financial future but also influence its political trajectory under President Dissanayake’s leadership. The successful completion of the debt restructuring program would provide much-needed relief to the country’s economy, potentially paving the way for renewed investment and growth.

However, failure to meet these objectives could exacerbate existing challenges and undermine public confidence in the new administration.

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A tectonic shift in Lankan Tamils’ electoral preference By P.K.Balachandran

In the Sri Lankan parliamentary elections held on November 14, the minority Tamils broke away from the Tamil parties and supported the all-island, left wing, National Peoples’ Power (NPP) in what can only be described as a tectonic political shift.

As predicted by most, the National Peoples’ Power (NPP) swept the Sinhala-dominated areas of Sri Lanka in the November 14 parliamentary elections. The NPP had the reputation of being a Sinhala nationalist party and its fortunes were on the upswing given the alienation of the other national parties from the Sinhalese majority.

But what came as a surprise was the NPP’s sterling performance in the Tamil and Muslim-dominated areas of North and East Sri Lanka.

Breaking with decades of tradition, Sri Lankan Tamils flocked to the all-island National Peoples’ Power (NPP) party in preference to ethnic Tamil parties, including the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK), the oldest, largest and the most popular of the lot.

Good Governance as Criterion

Concern for good governance appears to have weighed in substantially with the Tamils as was the case with the Sihalese. Mobilisation on traditional Tamil political issues like provincial autonomy through the full implementation of the 13th., amendment and accountability for alleged war crimes etc., had not worked. Instead, faith was reposed in the NPP’s promise to give a clean, people-oriented government. Existential day to day issues weighed in more than larger ethnic issues. The Tamils broke the tentacles of the past.

The NPP put the Tamils’ favourite party, the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK), in the shade, and emerged as the number one choice in many of the electorates in the Tamil and Muslim-dominated Northern and Eastern provinces.

The NPP’s performance was impressive especially taking into account the fact that the party was a total “outsider” to the area. For decades it was seen as a “Sinhalese” party which had no right to be present in the Tamil-dominated North ever before.

Indeed, for most of its life, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), which is the core of the NPP, had campaigned against devolution of power to the Tamils. It was dead against the 13 th., Amendment. It rejected the Tamils charge of ‘war crimes” against the armed forces.

Even in its election manifesto, the NPP had not committed itself to meeting any of the traditional Tamil demands. It had only said that all issues of national importance would be taken up when the new parliament discusses a new constitution for the country.

NPP’s Dominance in North and East

In Vaddukoddai, in Jaffna district, which had been an ITAK stronghold, the NPP got the single largest number of votes – 21.5%. The All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) came second with 13.48%; and the ITAK came third with 13.39%.

In Kankesanthurai also, the NPP was in the forefront with 13.37% of the votes. The ITAK got 12.57%; and the ACTC 7.15%. In Manipay, the share of votes had NPP at the top with 30.94%; and ITAK at number two with 13.49%. In Koppai, the NPP secured 29.86% and the ITAK 12.63%. The score in Uddipiddy was NPP 20.16% and ITAK 15.07%.

In Point Pedro too, the NPP came first with 21.89 % and the ITAK second with 19.71%. In Nallur, a Hindu stronghold, the NPP came first with 31.44% and ITAK third with 11.49%. In Jaffna proper, NPP came first with 41.46% and ITAK second with 11.81%.

However, in Kayts, the NPP got less than the Eelam Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP). In Chavakachery, an Independent Group for the maximum number of votes.

In Kilinochchi, ITAK President S.Sritharan’s pocket borough, the ITAK bagged 43.79% of the votes and came first. The NPP came second with 16.39%.

In Kalkuda in Batticaloa district in the Eastern province, the ITAK was the top scorer with 28.10 %. But in Batticaloa town, the NPP was first with 27.11% with the ITAK and the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress were slightly behind. In Paddiruppu, the strong hold of the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Puigam (TMVP), the NPP stood third.

In Trincomalee District, which is ethnically mixed, the NPP got the largest percentage of votes in both Seruvila and Trincomalee town, cornering 56% and 40% respectively. In Mutur, the NPP came second to the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB).

In Digamadulla (Ampara) district, the NPP was the top scorer in Amparai town, Sammanthurai and Kalmunai. It was second to the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) in Pottuvil.

NPP’s Tamil winners

Though a hard line Sinhala party, the NPP put up Tamil candidates in areas where the Tamils were concentrated and made many of them win. In Nuwara Eliya, NPP’s candidate Krishnan Kalaiselvi was one of the winners. In Matara, deep in the Sinhala South, an NPP Tamil candidate, Saroja Savithri Paulraj was among the winners.

In the Wanni, the NPP managed to get two of its Tamil candidates elected in the six seats up for grabs. In Batticaloa, its candidate K.Prabhu bagged one of the five seats. In Badulla, NPP got 2 Tamils elected –K.Selvaraj and S.Ambika in the nine-seat electoral district. In Ratnapura, NPP got S.Pradeep elected to one of the 11 seats.

In Jaffna, three of the NPP candidates (all Tamils) won. The ITAK and the All Ceylon Tamil Congress got only one each.

Ethnic Nationalisms on the backburner

While the NPP did not play up Sinhala nationalism in its campaign, the Tamil parties played up Tamil nationalist demands like federalism, accountability for alleged war-time atrocities, vacation of military-occupied lands and the full implementation of the 13 th.Amendment for more power devolution.

But a substantial section of voters appeared to have overlooked the contentious ethnic issues and pitched for better governance, less corruption and more people-centred development which were promised by the NPP. In contrast to the Tamil parties, the NPP was grounded in day-to-day issues faced by the common man.

Tamils voted for the NPP despite the fact the NPP’s election manifesto had nothing to say on the Tamils’ ethnic issues as such. It promised a new constitution, but left its contents vague, leaving the issue to be tackled by the new parliament.

Though the manifesto was neither here nor there, the Tamils voted for the NPP because their attention was elsewhere, namely, on their deteriorating economic circumstances created by the COVID 19 pandemic and the economic crisis of 2022. They were desperately in need of a government which would give them some relief.

The Outlook

It is not clear as to how the NPP government will bring relief to the people given the lack of the State’s financial resources, the dependence on foreign aid and debt repayment obligations.

Ahilan Kadirgamar, a professor at the University of Jaffna told Frontline magazine that the lands released from military occupation in the Northern Province could be developed by local cooperatives with a local village level official drawing up plans for their development and use.

Devolution of power could be piecemeal and yet progressive. Development of this kind will be “bottom up” and not “top down”, as is the case now. Development efforts will then be more effective.

Most importantly, the NPP, being a hard core Sinhalese or Sri Lankan nationalist party, can take bold steps to bring about ethnic reconciliation because it cannot be accused of being anti-Sinhala or anti-Sri Lankan, Kadirgamar pointed out.

The Tamil voting pattern gives rise to hope that they might use the window of opportunities which is open now, to realize their realizable demands within the framework of Sri Lanka’s constitution.

President to visit India in mid-December: Foreign Minister

Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath said yesterday that President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is set to visit India in mid-December for his maiden state visit.

He told the media after the swearing-in ceremony that the President is scheduled to hold talks with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his visit.

Indian External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar, during his visit to Sri Lanka in October, extended an invitation to President Dissanayake to visit India at a mutually convenient date.

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Former MPs instructed to return official residences by tomorrow

Former Members of Parliament (MPs) have been instructed to return their official residences by tomorrow.

The Secretary General of Parliament Kushani Rohanadheera said that 108 MPs were previously allocated official residences.

Currently, about 30 former MPs have handed over their residences.

She further highlighted that renovations are underway for approximately 70 of the 108 official residences.

Renovations is facilitated by Sri Lanka Air Force together with Sri Lanka Navy and Sri Lanka Army.

Secretary General Rohanadheera further emphasized that official residences for the newly elected MPs of the 10th Parliament will be allocated from December 03 onwards.

Although the process could legally begin the day after tomorrow, the timeline was adjusted due to the ongoing renovations.

She added that the inaugural session of the 10th Parliament will be held on November 21, with the next sitting scheduled for December 03.

What Sri Lankan MPs receive: Secretary General details MP benefits

The Secretary General of Parliament, Mrs. Kushani Rohanadheera, clarified that a Member of Parliament (MP) is not paid a salary but is entitled to an allowance.

Joining the Ada Derana’s current affairs programme ‘BIG FOCUS’, she explained that currently an MP is entitled to an allowance of almost Rs. 54,000.

Apart from this, they are also entitled to an attendance allowance of Rs 2,500 for the days when parliamentary sessions are held and an allowance of Rs 2,500 for attending committee meetings held on days when the parliamentary sessions are not held.

She mentioned that the fuel allowance is based on the distance, which is calculated according to a formula.

Mrs. Rohanadheera also noted that MPs who do not have a house within 40 kilometers from the Parliament are eligible to apply for accommodations in the parliamentary housing complex in Madiwela.

The housing complex includes only a total of 108 houses, which are allocated based on the order of requests submitted by the ruling party and the opposition.

Secretary General of the Parliament added that the MPs residing in these houses pay a monthly rent of Rs. 2,000, with electricity and water bills borne by the MPs themselves.

Furthermore, she highlighted that the Parliament and the Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs have facilitated the reduction of the amount from allowances by providing them the medical facilities from the Sri Jayawardenepura Hospital, and mentioned that the relevant ministry will also bear the necessary allowances for the personal staff of the MPs.

Close that smuggling tunnel -The Island Editorial

The NPP, the ITAK and the Sarvajana Balaya have appointed defeated candidates to Parliament via the National List (NL), making a mockery of their much-avowed commitment to democratic best practices. This has been the name of the game in Sri Lankan politics all these years and one of the main reasons for the erosion of public trust in the electoral process.

The NPP deserves praise for the appointment of a person with a visual disability to Parliament for the first time in Sri Lanka’s parliamentary history. It has fulfilled a long-felt need. Sadly, it has added not just a smidgeon but a scoop of cow dung to the proverbial pot of milk by appointing two of its defeated candidates as NL MPs.

It is said that in this country, in times of yore, some men were tricked into marrying not-so-attractive elder sisters of the women they were betrothed to. Times have changed and this kind of trickery is no longer heard of in matrimonial affairs, but a similar practice prevails in Sri Lankan politics; individuals other than those presented as NL nominees to electors are appointed MPs, and, worse, even total outsiders are brought in to fill NL vacancies, which are often created artificially.

Strangely, the Constitution and the Parliamentary Elections Act provide for undermining the people’s franchise in this despicable manner. As we have pointed out in previous editorial comments, Article 99A of the Constitution allows ‘the persons whose names are included in the lists submitted to the Commissioner of Elections … or in any nomination paper submitted in respect of any electoral district by political parties or independent groups at that election’ to be appointed to Parliament via the NL. In 1988, the then UNP government introduced Section 64 (5) of the Parliament Election Act, inter alia, as an urgent Bill, eroding the essence of the constitutional provisions pertaining to the NL.

The Parliamentary Elections Act of No 1 of 1981, as amended in 1988, allows ‘any member’ of a political party to be appointed to fill an NL vacancy. After parliamentary elections, political parties appoint their NL members, as prescribed by the Constitution, and thereafter engineer NL vacancies to bring in persons of their choice as MPs. It is not possible to have this highly undemocratic practice terminated by judicial means because there is no constitutional provision for the post-enactment judicial review of legislation. This ‘smuggling tunnel’, as it were, must be closed by Parliament itself.

Worryingly, it has now been revealed that the words, ‘any member’, were surreptitiously incorporated into the Parliamentary Elections (Amendment) Act after its ratification by Parliament in 1988!

Not everything the Constitution and other laws provide for is morally right and acceptable. The 18th constitutional amendment, which enhanced the executive powers of the President and removed the presidential term limit, had to be abolished because it was found to be detrimental to democracy. The 20th Amendment to the Constitution was done away with on the same grounds. Therefore, the flawed legal provisions that undermine the people’s franchise and sovereignty must be scrapped without further delay.

We suggest that Article 99A of the Constitution be amended to scrap the phrase, ‘in any nomination paper submitted in respect of any electoral district by political parties or independent groups’, and the words, ‘any member’ be removed from the Parliamentary Elections Act. This is something the NPP, which came to power, promising good governance, ought to do on a priority basis.

Given the shameful NL appointments at issue, it may not be difficult to imagine what the situation would have been if there had been no preferential vote mechanism; political party leaders would have had carte blanche to ensure the entry of unsuccessful candidates in their good books into Parliament at the expense of the deserving ones against the will of the people. That would have led to what is called the dictatorship of party leaders. Needless to say, an electoral process based on the proportional representation system without provision for voters to indicate their preferences for candidates will be antithetical to democracy. Hence the need to defeat efforts being made in some quarters to abolish the preferential vote.