Can a research centre on Katchatheevu resolve the Indo-Lanka fisheries issue? -Daily Mirror.LK

Katchatheevu, a barren islet between Sri Lanka’s Delft Island and India’s Rameswaram, sprouts up

in the news on and off whenever the fisheries issue between Sri Lanka and India, Tamil Nadu to be specific, crops up following arrests of fishermen or any untoward incident involved. Recently, it surfaced in the public domain after the Indian Supreme Court, in an interim, procedural and humanitarian order, cautioned the Union and Tamil Nadu Governments against Tamil Nadu fishermen crossing the International Maritime Boundary Line for fishing in Sri Lanka’s territorial waters.
Katchatheevu was placed on the Sri Lankan side in keeping with the demarcation of maritime boundary lines under the agreement signed in June, 1974. Another agreement signed in March 1976 stipulated boundary lines in the Gulf of Mannar and the Bay of Bengal. The latest agreement bars fishermen from crossing each country’s waters. Besides, Article 5 of the 1974 agreement allows Indian fishermen and pilgrims to visit the islet without travel documents. Nevertheless, no fishing right has been envisaged in the agreement.

Indian Supreme Court’s latest ruling has invited a new public discourse to find a way out of this decades-long problem. A roundtable discussion organised by Pathfinder Foundation offered a platform for a diverse set of opinions.

It centred on the proposal that Sri Lanka should assert its presence in the islet in terms of marine research activities.

Pathfinder Foundation’s Chairman Bernard Goonetilleke, in his presentation of proposals for a sustainable solution to the crisis, envisaged the establishment of a fisheries research station on Katchatheevu, with a mandate to conduct fisheries-related research and contribute to the sustainable management of marine resources in the surrounding waters. He said that the proposal was intended to serve a practical purpose beyond the continuing political debate over the island’s status.

It will create an opportunity to improve scientific understanding of fish stocks, marine ecosystems and sustainable fishing practices in the Palk Bay and adjacent waters. Establishing a research facility will also provide a continuing Sri Lankan institutional presence on the island, consistent with Sri Lanka’s position under the existing India–Sri Lanka maritime arrangements. Research activities could include monitoring fish stocks, studying the effects of bottom trawling, assessing marine habitats and identifying approaches to restoring depleted fisheries resources. The station could also provide a platform for scientific cooperation between Sri Lankan and Indian fisheries researchers, where mutually agreed arrangements make such cooperation possible. Despite the potential benefits, the Sri Lankan Government did not follow up on the proposal, according to him.

However, former Foreign Secretary Ravinatha Aryasinha held different views in this regard and laid emphasis more on a political approach with the involvement of affected communities to find a lasting solution.

Mr Aryasinha, who is also the Executive Director of the Regional Centre for Security Studies (RCSS) said the controversy surrounding Katchatheevu is often reduced to a dispute over Indian fishermen crossing the maritime boundary line into Sri Lankan waters.

Referring to the historical context, he said that the agreement involved not only the transfer of Katchatheevu but also the Wadge Bank, a maritime area located off the southern tip of India near Kanyakumari.

The point is that, having exhausted the fisheries resources in the Wadge Bank, the pressure is now shifting elsewhere. These are natural processes, and one must understand them,” he said.

Asserting that Tamil Nadu political authorities can possibly act differently to India’s Supreme Court’s order, he said, “I find it difficult to understand why this issue should be treated as inseparable from Katchatheevu. Linking a solution to the fisheries problem with Katchatheevu could amount to fishing in troubled waters. Technological innovations, experimental fishing methods and improved fisheries-management practices can be introduced without involving Katchatheevu. There is no compelling reason why the island should become the focal point of efforts to resolve a problem that can be addressed through other practical measures.”
He said, “I sense that this issue needs to be resolved through dialogue between the governments in New Delhi and Colombo, while also engaging the Tamil Nadu government and the people of Jaffna. After all, this is a people’s issue on both sides of the Palk Strait. There is strong sentiment in Jaffna over the matter, notwithstanding the close and fraternal relations between the people on both sides.

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Vijay may bring a different political perspective to the issue, given that he leads a party outside the established DMK and AIADMK political establishments. While his political approach and relationship with the Union Government will become clearer over time, his leadership could provide an opportunity to examine the fisheries dispute and the Katchatheevu question as two distinct issues, according to him.

In response, Mr Goonetilleke from Pathfinder Foundation, however, said that there was a suggestion in the past for undertaking joint research involving NARA on Sri Lankan side and the Central Marine Fisheries Research Institute of Cochin.

“We don’t have the official records of the meeting, but the available information says that this proposal has come forward. There was an understanding in principle to think about this kind of joint activity. The particular research centre is located at Aadampur,” he said.

“It is very interesting to examine the details of the institute. It is a 92-acre facility undertaking research in various areas, including fisheries, seaweed cultivation and alternative livelihoods for fishing communities. This presents an opportunity for both sides to work together and jointly engage in such research,” he said.
If there is an understanding between the two sides to collaborate in these areas, the Tamil Nadu authorities and the public would also recognise that the objective of such research is to protect the health and well-being of the Bay of Bengal and its marine resources, and nothing else,” he added.

We have to be strategic – Nilantha Ilangamuwa

Journalist and analyst Nilantha Ilangamuwa said the long-held notion that “India’s problem is not our problem, and our problem is not India’s problem” was impractical and unrealistic, as it allowed the two countries to evade their responsibilities. “We are neighbours and have to act strategically. If you are suggesting the establishment of a third-party apolitical research facility there, it would be a proactive approach on our part,” he said.
He said such a mechanism could prove useful in the years ahead, as developments in India’s political and legal landscape could have implications for Sri Lanka.
“Some of these matters could find their way into future reports and judgements, whether in the coming years or later. Perhaps this could happen after the Modi government; nobody knows how Indian politics will evolve. In my opinion, establishing a proactive mechanism on the Sri Lankan side would be important and useful, particularly in light of the insights discussed,” he said.

Common ground the way out, India has no intention to take over Katchatheevu

Prof. Jayanath Colombage, a former Navy Commander and Foreign Secretary of Sri Lanka, said Katchatheevu had become an additional burden on the Sri Lanka Navy, which is responsible for maintaining a presence around the island. “There is a small Navy contingent there during normal times. There is no separate budget for it; the expenditure is entirely borne by the Sri Lankan Government as part of the Navy’s Northern Command. The Navy maintains a presence on all the islands, including Delft, Nainativu, Analaitivu, Eluvaitivu, Karaitivu, Kayts and Mandaitivu. Further south, we also have Pooneryn, Talaimannar and Mannar,” he said.
Prof. Colombage agreed with Ambassador Aryasinha that establishing a research centre on Katchatheevu could complicate the issue. However, he expressed optimism that the Indian central government had no intention of reclaiming the island.

“There is no historical evidence to suggest that India exercised control over Katchatheevu. Even if we consider the historical evidence, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, adopted in 1982, provides the contemporary legal framework. Historical evidence is important in law, but it has to be considered within the applicable legal framework.

“In the fisheries sector, the argument is that fishermen traditionally operated in these waters. However, traditional fishing practices do not, by themselves, determine sovereignty over territory or override established maritime boundaries. A similar argument has arisen in the South China Sea, where historical fishing activities have been invoked in disputes over maritime rights,” he said.

He stressed that Sri Lanka should not antagonise India.

Bottom trawling takes place away from Katchatheevu

He, however, said that harmful bottom trawling takes place away from the islet in Sri Lankan waters as the fish stocks on the Indian side of the sea had been exhausted at the moment. Emphasising the need for a middle ground to resolve this issue, he said that the introduction of steel-hulled boats in place of wooden-hulled boats in Tamil Nadu worsened the problem, affecting local fishermen.

“If a small, 17-foot fibreglass dinghy collides with a steel-hulled boat, the consequences could be devastating for the smaller vessel. Another practical problem is that when steel trawlers cross fishing nets laid by local fishermen, the entire net can be destroyed.

These are some of the practical difficulties fishermen face. The real objective, however, is to find common ground without antagonising India. We have goodwill between the two countries, so why can’t we use it to resolve this issue?” he asked.

The Supreme Court’s decision also referred to the excellent relationship between India and its neighbour, Sri Lanka. That is an important consideration. Just as India should take into account the need to preserve its excellent relations with Sri Lanka, we too must be mindful of the importance of not antagonising India. We should use the goodwill that exists between the two countries to find a mutually acceptable solution, he said.

600 prawn processing plants in Tamil Nadu

In an obvious reference to how Tamil Nadu businessmen benefit from poaching in Sri Lankan waters, he said that there are about 600 prawn processing plants in Tamil Nadu exporting produce to the markets in the European Union.
“Where is the main export market? Europe. Now, according to IUU fishing regulations, you have to declare where you catch fish. So what do they say? Indian Ocean prawns. Right? So, I think we have to find a solution rather than allowing it to go for another 50 years.
We have to understand the law, the practicalities of it and go for a solution. Our job is not to find a solution, but make some recommendations.

Reservoir of goodwill

Sri Lanka and India have close ties. India extended vital economic assistance to Sri Lanka in the wake of the 2022 economic crisis. The time is opportune for the sustainable resolution of this issue without making it a permanent irritant to bilateral relations.

Proposed Anti-Terror Bill more dangerous than PTA, Counsel tells Supreme Court

Counsel appearing on behalf of the petitioners in the Special Determination petitions challenging the constitutionality of the Bill titled the Protection of the State from Terrorism yesterday informed the Supreme Court that the proposed legislation would significantly curtail people’s liberty, making it far more dangerous than the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).

They made these remarks when 25 Special Determination petitions challenging the constitutionality of the Bill, titled the Protection of the State from Terrorism, were taken up for hearing before a three-judge Bench comprising Chief Justice Preethi Padman Surasena and Justices Achala Wengappuli and Sampath Abayakoon.

Counsel Hejaaz Hizbullah appearing for several petitioners, including two journalists and several former detainees held under the PTA informed the Supreme Court that the proposed Protection of the State from Terrorism Bill significantly expands the powers of law enforcement officers to arrest and search suspects, making it far more dangerous than the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).

Hejaaz Hizbullah is an Attorney-at-Law who was incarcerated for 22 months under the PTA.

Hizbullah submitted to Court that a person could be arrested by a police officer of a rank above that of Sub-Inspector, whereas Clause 19 of the proposed Bill empowers any police officer, as well as members of the armed forces and Coast Guard officers, to search and arrest suspects.

Hizbullah further submitted that the proposed legislation curtails the power of Magistrates to discharge suspects when there is insufficient evidence to proceed against them, by requiring the consent of the Attorney General for such discharges.

Under Clause 37, a Magistrate’s power to discharge a suspect would effectively be taken away, leaving the Magistrate to act merely as a “rubber stamp”, he argued.

Referring to previous cases under the PTACcounsel cited the discharge of former Inter-University Students’ Federation convener Wasantha Mudalige and DIG Nalaka Silva by Magistrates after they were satisfied that the suspects had not committed offences under the Act.

Hizbullah also drew the Court’s attention to Clause 60 of the Bill, submitting that it empowers a Magistrate to impose restriction orders on a suspect based on an allegation that the person is preparing to engage in the commission of an offence under the proposed legislation.

Ali Sabry PC, appearing for another petitioner, questioned the suitability of the proposed definition of terrorism for Sri Lanka, noting that it had been drawn from legislation in countries including Canada, New Zealand and Australia.

He warned that adopting such a definition in Sri Lanka could be dangerous given the country’s history of alleged misuse of legal provisions.

“We do not have post-enactment review like other countries. Once laws are enacted, they become law. Your Lordships’ Court now has a historic opportunity to carefully examine these provisions and make a determination,” Sabry submitted.

He argued that the definition of terrorism in the Bill was vague and could criminalise acts that were not necessarily criminal in nature.

Under the proposed legislation, a suspect could be detained for up to one year and subsequently held on remand for a further year, Sabry said.

“This is a Bill that suppresses dissent and freedom of expression,” he submitted.

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Slain Tamil journalist Nimalarajan Mylvaganam remembered 25 years on

Twenty-five years after the Tamil journalist Nimalarajan Mylvaganam was shot dead in Jaffna, his killing remains unresolved.

The anniversary fell on Monday 19 October.

He was attacked at his family home in the northern city while writing a report for the BBC.

A report released last month by the International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP) set out the failures of Sri Lanka’s police in investigating the murder.

It described the case as a textbook example of investigative failure.

It also concluded that a culture of impunity in Sri Lanka allowed the murder or disappearance of 44 journalists between 2000 and 2010.

A killing in a high-security zone

Nimalarajan had worked for the BBC for more than six years. He also contributed to the Tamil daily Virakesari and the Sinhala weekly Ravaya.

The BBC reported that his father was repeatedly stabbed in the attack, while his mother and a young nephew were badly injured when a grenade exploded in the sitting room.

It added that the attack took place during curfew hours in a high-security zone in Jaffna, close to several military checkpoints.

The Committee to Protect Journalists said shortly after his death that the attackers fired through the window of the study where he was working on an article.

They then threw a grenade into the house and fled.

Local journalists suspected that his reporting on vote-rigging and intimidation in Jaffna during the recent parliamentary elections may have led to the killing.

The government-aligned paramilitary group, the Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP), is suspected of carrying out the murder.

The Attorney General’s Department later ordered the release of the suspects held in the case, and at least two others were believed to be abroad.

In February 2022, the Metropolitan Police’s War Crimes Team arrested a 48-year-old man in Britain in connection with the murder.

He was later released.

A quarter of a century on, the family of a journalist killed within sight of military checkpoints is still waiting for answers.

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“I was misled” – Maithri apologizes, reveals what went wrong with Gnanasara Thera’s presidential pardon

Former President Maithripala Sirisena has claimed that officials at the Presidential Secretariat misled him during the process of granting a presidential pardon to Ven. Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara Thera, resulting in a technical error that eventually led to the monk’s reimprisonment.

In a statement issued on October 19, Sirisena said he had studied a copy of the relevant court judgment and understood that a technical defect in documents submitted by the Presidential Secretariat had contributed to the court’s decision.

He said Gnanasara Thera had faced two cases before the Homagama Magistrate’s Court, identified as B 7417/10 and 40042.

According to Sirisena, the additional senior secretary in charge of legal affairs at the Presidential Secretariat had informed him that approval from the Ministry of Justice and Prisons was required in connection with the pardon.

However, he alleged that the necessary documents were never forwarded to the ministry and that his signature was obtained without securing the required approval.

“This was misleading me,” Sirisena said.

The former President claimed that the error committed by officials during his presidency had ultimately resulted in Gnanasara Thera being imprisoned again, following legal proceedings initiated through a complaint by Sandya Ekneligoda involving an organization associated with Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu.

Sirisena said he respected the court’s decision and accepted that the judgment was correct.

He also apologized to the Buddhist clergy for the mistake, although he maintained that it had been committed by officials serving under his administration.

The former President said he issued the statement following inquiries from Buddhist monks, journalists and members of the public seeking clarification about the technical error that affected the presidential pardon.

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No change to Supreme Court decisions: President AKD sends clear message amid Gnanasara Thera pardon demands

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has effectively ruled out granting a presidential pardon to Ven. Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara Thera, stressing that his government will respect Supreme Court decisions and will not interfere with the judicial process.

Addressing the National People’s Power (NPP) women’s rally in Badulla on Sunday (October 18), the President said the government would accept the final decisions of the judiciary and warned that no one should expect the executive to overturn them.

Although the President did not specifically mention Gnanasara Thera or his imprisonment, his remarks appeared to be directed at the ongoing controversy surrounding the monk’s imprisonment and demands for a presidential pardon.

The President explained that Parliament was responsible for enacting laws, while institutions such as the police, Criminal Investigation Department and Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption were responsible for investigations and enforcement.

However, he stressed that the final authority to interpret and apply the law rested with the judiciary, particularly the Supreme Court.

“When the Supreme Court delivers a judgment, some people start shouting, demanding that it be removed. How can a country function with laws like that?” the President questioned.

He said the government considered judicial decisions to be the authoritative determination of the law and would abide by them.

“We will abide by the decisions delivered by the courts. Beyond that, no one should expect decisions from us,” he declared.

The remarks come amid mounting demands from several Buddhist monks and opposition politicians for the release of Gnanasara Thera.

On September 10, the Supreme Court invalidated the presidential pardon granted to Gnanasara Thera by former President Maithripala Sirisena in 2019, ruling that the decision was unlawful.

Following the judgment, the Court of Appeal ordered on October 5 that the monk’s six-year prison sentence for contempt of court be enforced.

The decision has triggered protests by groups demanding his release, including a demonstration by Buddhist monks in Colombo.

The President’s latest remarks represent his clearest public indication yet that he is unwilling to intervene in the matter, although he stopped short of explicitly announcing a decision on a fresh presidential pardon.

Separately, government sources have indicated that the President would not grant Gnanasara Thera a pardon or yield to pressure to circumvent the law.

The President also warned against attempts to undermine the legal system, saying that a country where the law is applied equally to everyone is essential to ensuring a secure future for its children.

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Thousands Flock to Colombo protesting against ‘Conspirators Protecting Criminals’

A protest march organized by the Janavarame Purawasiyo Organization (Citizen’s Of The Mandate) was held in Colombo today in what organizers described as a response to ongoing demonstrations seeking the release of Venerable Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara Thero, with participants calling on the Government to ensure that the law is applied equally to all citizens and to resist what they alleged were attempts by corrupt elements to undermine the country’s justice system.

The demonstration, led by members of the Maha Sangha and joined by religious leaders from other faiths as well as representatives of civil society organizations, began near the Colombo Fort Railway Station this afternoon.

Participants stressed that conspiracies aimed at preventing legal action against thieves, corrupt individuals and drug traffickers should be defeated. They also called for the law to be enforced fairly and equally, without privilege or special treatment, and urged authorities not to allow what they described as efforts by those responsible for damaging the country to derail ongoing legal processes.

Following the march, the protesters proceeded to the Presidential Secretariat.

During the demonstration, Police appealed to those gathered to remain peaceful and avoid causing inconvenience to the public.

A Police officer was heard saying, “Please do not inconvenience the public. Please remain peaceful and do not block the road. Allow people to pass through peacefully.”

Police further informed the group that Additional Secretary to the President Kapila Bandara was present at the Presidential Secretariat.

Subsequently, a delegation comprising several Buddhist monks and representatives of the protest was granted an opportunity to enter the Presidential Secretariat and hold discussions with officials.

Among those participating in the march were members of the public who openly expressed opposition to calls for special treatment or pardons outside the normal legal process.

One participant said, “If Ven. Gnanasara Thero has committed an offence, then the law must be applied to him. Otherwise, I too can shave my head, wear a robe, commit an offence and ask for a Presidential pardon. If that is allowed, it would have to apply to everyone. That cannot happen. The law must be equal for all.”

Another participant questioned the example being set for future generations, stating, “This is not the Dhamma taught by the Buddha. When teachings that are completely contrary to what the Buddha preached are being promoted, what example are we giving to the next generation?”

A third participant argued that the Government had come to power on a promise of equal justice and should not abandon that principle.

“The President came to power saying the law must apply equally to everyone. He cannot reverse that position now. If he does, it is the people who will turn away. The people are united in saying that the law must apply equally to all. In my view, this campaign is being driven by groups trying to protect themselves from legal action and prison sentences.”

After meeting officials at the Presidential Secretariat, members of the Maha Sangha and representatives of the organization addressed the media.

Venerable Meegahajadure Seelananda Thero claimed that certain political groups were attempting to exploit the court ruling involving Ven. Gnanasara Thero to create instability within the country.

“We can see attempts to create confusion in the country by using the court decision involving Ven. Gnanasara Thero as a cover. This Government is making a serious effort to establish the rule of law. Those who oppose that effort are trying to undermine it. A small group of corrupt and politically defeated individuals, many of whom are facing court cases and remain out on bail, are misusing the sacred robe in a deeply unfortunate manner. Our request to the President is to understand the aspirations of the people’s mandate and act accordingly.”

Venerable Embilipitiye Ananda Wansa Thero said the role of the clergy was not to control political leaders but to provide guidance and counsel.

“Our role is not to make rulers act according to our wishes. Our role is to advise and guide. Only a handful of monks are engaged in these activities. That is not the role entrusted to the Sangha. For more than two thousand years we have carried a much greater responsibility. This situation is like an elephant carrying the Sacred Tooth Relic casket losing control. It should not be allowed to continue.”

Meanwhile, Chandrasiri Mallikarachchi, Secretary of the Janavarame Purawasiyo Organization, urged President Anura Kumara Dissanayake not to reverse any legal measures already undertaken.

“We request the President not to roll back any legal action that has already been initiated, even by the smallest degree. Those measures should be implemented in full. We also ask the Government to expedite investigations relating to individuals currently facing allegations. Cases should be filed against those corrupt groups and the country should be governed in a manner that serves the welfare of the people. That is why we participated in this demonstration today.”

Following the discussions and media briefing, the protesters dispersed peacefully, concluding a march that was framed by organizers as a show of support for the equal application of the law and a response to recent protests calling for the release of Ven. Gnanasara Thero.

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PC Polls: EC urges swift legal reforms

The Election Commission (EC) on Thursday (15) urged Parliament to expedite legal amendments required to hold long-delayed Provincial Council Elections (PC), saying it is prepared to conduct the polls as soon as the necessary legislative framework is in place.

The PC Elections have been stalled because Parliament has yet to complete the legislative work relating to amendments to the electoral system and the delimitation of constituencies.

Election Commission Chairman R.M.A.L. Rathnayake said that the commission had made five submissions to the special Parliamentary Select Committee appointed to examine the steps needed to hold the elections.

“We made special submissions, both verbally and in writing, on the systems required to ensure 25% representation for youth and women through the mixed proportional system,” Rathnayake said.

He said the commission was also expecting to approach President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to request that the necessary legal amendments be prepared without further delay.

Addressing a media training programme, Rathnayake outlined the commission’s ongoing electoral reforms, including the revision of the electoral register, advance voting, voting rights for Sri Lankans living overseas, political party registration, and the regulation of social media during elections.

The commission received 41 applications for political party recognition after calling for applications in January this year. Of these, 16 parties have been called for second-round interviews, while seven have been called for final-round interviews. Rathnayake said that the recognition process was expected to be completed soon.

The commission has also been reviewing shortcomings in the laws governing political party registration, including provisions relating to deposits and the need to update legislation to reflect current requirements.

The 2026 electoral register revision process has been completed, with the first supplementary register certified on 15 September, the main register on 22 September, and the second supplementary register on 1 October. The third supplementary register was scheduled to be certified on 31 January 2027, Rathnayake said.

Over the past three years, the commission has also worked on electoral law reforms. Draft amendments intended to improve voter identification have been submitted to Parliament, while proposals for legislation on advance voting have been submitted to the Legal Draftsman’s Department.

The proposed advance voting arrangements aim to facilitate voting by people engaged in essential services, including health, electricity, highways, and aviation, as well as persons with disabilities. A special committee appointed by the Ministry of Public Administration, Provincial Councils, and Local Government is working on proposals to enable Sri Lankan citizens living overseas to vote.

The committee, chaired by an Additional Commissioner of Elections, has studied international experience, including through a conference held in August with election officials and experts from Australia, Bangladesh, the Philippines, Nepal, and the Maldives. The commission is now preparing a roadmap in consultation with relevant stakeholders.

Meanwhile, a social media policy is being drafted to establish a framework for monitoring and regulating social media activities during elections. Rathnayake said the commission had sought the views of experts and stakeholders, including Asia-Pacific representatives of major technology platforms such as Meta and TikTok.

Discussions with officials at the companies’ regional headquarters in Singapore had also informed the drafting process.

The commission is separately preparing draft legislation to address shortcomings identified in the Regulation of Election Expenditure Act, following discussions with district-level election officials.

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East Container Terminal: 4 failed tenders stall operations

Four consecutive tender cancellations have held up the full commissioning of the Colombo Port’s East Container Terminal (ECT), with the Government now making a fifth attempt to procure 15 straddle carriers even as it explores handing over operations of the State-owned facility to a private operator.

With 82–85% of civil construction completed, the terminal faces a further wait of 10–12 months for the equipment to arrive after the contract is awarded, raising questions over repeated procurement failures at one of Sri Lanka’s key port development projects.

Speaking to The Sunday Morning, Ports and Civil Aviation Minister Anura Karunathilaka revealed that four previous tenders for straddle carriers had been cancelled for different reasons, while the fifth procurement process was nearing completion following negotiations with two bidders.

“The main issue is the procurement of equipment, particularly straddle carriers,” the Minister said.

He said that the Government expected to conclude negotiations and award the contract within approximately two months, particularly as the validity period of the current bids was approaching its expiry.

“We expect to complete the process within this year. The bid validity period is also approaching its end. Therefore, we need to complete the negotiations and award the contract within approximately the next two months,” he explained.

However, even if the contract is awarded within the anticipated time frame, the terminal will not be immediately ready for full operations.

“After awarding the contract, it will take another 10–12 months for the equipment to be delivered and become operational,” the Minister said.

Meanwhile, the Government is considering private sector participation in the operation of the ECT while retaining State ownership, with several proposals already received from prospective operators, including major international shipping companies.

The Minister confirmed that no investor or operator had been selected and that the Government was awaiting legal clearance before proceeding with an open competitive bidding process.

“Our intention is to retain ownership of the terminal while considering the possibility of granting operational rights to a private sector operator. That could involve a local company or an international partner,” he said.

According to Karunathilaka, the Government’s primary consideration in selecting an operator would be its ability to attract sufficient container volumes to ensure the terminal’s commercial viability.

“The most important consideration is the operator’s ability to attract sufficient container throughput,” he explained. The Minister said that several proposals had already been received, although he declined to identify the interested companies or their countries of origin.

“We have received several proposals from different companies. However, we have not selected an investor or operator,” he said.

He added that certain legal matters needed to be resolved before the Government could proceed with the proposed selection process. “We are awaiting the necessary legal clearance. Once those issues are resolved, we intend to proceed through an open and competitive bidding process,” he said.

The ECT, designed to handle approximately 2.4 million Twenty-foot Equivalent Units (TEUs) annually, comprises a planned 1,320-metre quay and a terminal area of around 75 hectares. Its first phase, including a 440-metre quay, was completed in 2015 at a cost of approximately Rs. 11.17 billion, although operations remained limited due to equipment shortages.

The terminal became the centre of political controversy following a 2019 agreement between Sri Lanka, India, and Japan to develop the facility under a 51:49 ownership arrangement. Following strong opposition, the then Government decided in February 2021 to develop and operate the ECT entirely under the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA).

Construction of the second phase commenced in January 2022, with an estimated project cost of $ 510 million, including $ 200 million from the SLPA. The development envisaged 12 ship-to-shore cranes and 40 rail-mounted gantry cranes.

According to the Auditor General’s report, the SLPA procured these 52 cranes for approximately $ 282.56 million. Although all equipment had arrived by June 2025, only six ship-to-shore cranes were operational at that stage due to infrastructure delays. Terminal capacity utilisation increased from 43% in 2021 to 63% in 2024.

Despite these constraints, the ECT handled more than 500,000 TEUs in 2025 and commissioned its third berth in 2026.

Meanwhile, Colombo Port recorded 8.29 million TEUs in 2025, up from 7.79 million TEUs in 2024, reflecting 6.4% growth. During the first half of 2026, throughput increased by 11.9% to 4.44 million TEUs, compared with 3.97 million TEUs during the corresponding period of 2025.

According to the SLPA, Colombo’s global ranking improved from 26th at the end of 2025 to 20th during the first half of 2026, highlighting the growing importance of bringing the ECT into full operation.

Does Navi Pillay deserve the Nobel Peace Prize? By MOHAMED AYUB -Daily Mirror.lk

When Navanethem Pillay, who served as the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights from 2008 to 2014, won this year’s Nobel Peace Prize on last Friday we saw mixed reactions from Sri Lankans.

Many including Tamil leaders and anti-war campaigners welcomed it, while many in the southern parts of the island deplored it.

Among the UN High Commissioners for Human Rights, Navanethem Pillay, commonly known as Navi Pillay, can be described as the most familiar figure to the people of Sri Lanka. This is because it was during her tenure that the UN and its Human Rights Council began taking decisive actions regarding the human rights situation in Sri Lanka.

One cannot say definitively that she was the sole reason for these actions, or that her Tamil heritage was the cause. The secessionist war in Sri Lanka ended during her tenure and the final stage of the war was highly catastrophic. Under those circumstances, even if someone else had been the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the UN would have still been compelled to handle the Sri Lankan human rights issue with high priority.

Navi Pillay is the fourth person of Tamil or Tamil-descent to receive a Nobel Prize. The other three are C.V. Raman, who won the Nobel Prize for Physics in 1930; Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar, who won the Nobel Prize for Physics in 1983; and Venkatraman Ramakrishnan, who won the Nobel Prize for Chemistry in 2009.

Among them, C.V. Raman belonged to Tamil Nadu. His nephew, Chandrasekhar, was born in Lahore (a city in present-day Pakistan) and later acquired American citizenship. Ramakrishnan, who is of Indian origin, holds British and American citizenship.

First non-white high court judge

According to Wikipedia, Navi Pillay’s grandparents were taken from Tamil Nadu to South Africa as indentured labourers to work in sugarcane plantations. Her father, Narayansamy Naidu, worked as a bus driver in South Africa. In 1965, Navanethem Naidu married Paranjothi Anthony Pillay, thus becoming Navanethem Pillay. Navi Pillay was the first non-white judge appointed to the High Court of South Africa.

This year’s Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to her for her services to world peace and international law. Her long-term contributions to these fields were taken into consideration for the award.

Examining genocides

When Hutus massacred around eight hundred thousand Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994, UN established the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in 1995 to investigate it. Navi Pillay was appointed as one of its judges and in 1999, she became the President of the tribunal. In 2003, she was appointed as a judge of the International Criminal Court (ICC). In 2008, she was appointed as the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.

Following the end of her term at the Human Rights Council in 2014, Pillay served as a judge on the International Court of Justice (ICJ) regarding the Rohingya genocide in Myanmar. Subsequently, she was appointed as a member of the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, established in 2021.

In 2023, this commission concluded that Hamas had committed war crimes, and in 2024, it determined that Israel was engaged in genocide. Due to this ruling on Israel and her work at the International Criminal Court, Navi Pillay earned the resentment of certain Western countries, including the United States. Therefore, when she won the Nobel Peace Prize this time, US President Donald Trump expressed his dissatisfaction regarding it.

Although many High Commissioners for Human Rights took various actions concerning Sri Lanka during and after the war, Navi Pillay attracted the most attention. In particular, while the Tamil people praised her actions, the majority of the Sinhala population severely criticised her. This was because many viewed her actions through the lens of her being a Tamil woman rather than as the head of an international organisation.

Pillay was not the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights who took the harshest action against Sri Lanka. The most stringent action was taken in 2021 when Michelle Bachelet was the High Commissioner. An evidence-gathering mechanism was established then to prosecute those accused of human rights violations in Sri Lanka in foreign courts. Yet, Pillay remains the most disliked figure by successive Sri Lankan governments and the majority community.

It was during her tenure at the Human Rights Council that passing of annual resolutions on Sri Lanka was begun. Sri Lanka was censured twice every year through this process regarding its human rights record. The Sri Lankan government and the majority community strongly opposed this. On those occasions, some did not forget her Tamil heritage, either.

Yet, the first resolution passed by the Human Rights Council in 2012 merely urged the government to implement the recommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC), appointed by President Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2010. While subsequent annual resolutions included several other conditions, the Sri Lankan government, except during Yahapalana period,” vehemently opposed all those resolutions.

Consequently, when Navanethem Pillay visited Sri Lanka in 2013, Mervyn Silva, a minister in Mahinda Rajapaksa’s government at the time, insultingly stated that he wished to marry Pillay. Later, while she was still in Sri Lanka, President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Cabinet spokesman Dullas Alahapperuma, and Leader of the House Nimal Siripala de Silva expressed their regrets over the incident.

Having experienced severe racial discrimination in South Africa during apartheid, it would not be surprising if Navi Pillay viewed the issues of Tamils in Sri Lanka with a unique sense of empathy. At the same time, she might have approached the issues in Sri Lanka from the perspective of being a Tamil.

However, the reports on human rights violations in Sri Lanka published during her tenure did not solely highlight the excesses of the Sri Lankan armed forces. They mostly referred to the human rights violations of “both parties”— the armed forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

In 2014, her office conducted an investigation into the alleged human rights violations committed by “both parties” and the report of it was published in 2015. With the exception of sexual offenses, all other allegations leveled against the armed forces in that report were also leveled against the Tigers.

The investigation was conducted based on specific international laws including international criminal law, which encompasses crimes such as genocide. This means allegations of genocide had been taken into consideration during the investigation. However, the report did not accuse any belligerent party of genocide.

Ultimately, along with a long list of recommendations for the government to implement, the report also stated that: “There must be recognition within the Tamil community, for example, of the destruction and harm inflicted on civilians and communities by the LTTE.”

Accordingly, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) issued a statement then saying, “We will use this moment as a moment of introspection into our own community’s failures and the unspeakable crimes committed in our name.” However, the government of the day failed to understand these positive signals and take steps toward reconciliation.

Also, we don’t recall her mentioning ‘both parties’ in Sri Lanka after leaving the UNHRC.

‘Justice for the Saffron Robe’ March Heads to Colombo

The ‘Justice for the Saffron Robe – Freedom March’ is expected to reach Colombo today (15), with Buddhist monks demanding the release of Ven. Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara Thera.

The march, which began on October 10 at the Temple of the Sacred Tooth Relic in Kandy, passed through Kadugannawa, Kegalle, Warakapola and Nittambuwa before reaching Kadawatha yesterday (14). The final leg is scheduled to begin in Kadawatha this morning.

Ven. Ulapane Sumangala Thera said the monks expected a positive response from the government on the final day of the protest and urged authorities to take immediate steps to secure Gnanasara Thera’s release.

He added that the monks were willing to meet President Anura Kumara Dissanayake at any location designated by him, including Pelawatte, Parliament or the President’s House.

“We are waiting to receive that message. If that does not happen, we are prepared to come to wherever the President is. We are prepared to settle this matter one way or another today,” he said.

Ven. Sumangala Thera warned that the monks would consider alternative ways of conveying their demands if their peaceful appeals continued to go unanswered.

He also stressed that the Maha Sangha did not intend to conclude the march without progress towards securing Gnanasara Thera’s release.

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