Easter Sunday attacks: Awaiting justice in a politicised tragedy

It has been five years since the harrowing events of 21 April 2019, when a coordinated series of bombings struck churches and hotels across Sri Lanka on Easter Sunday.

The tragedy, orchestrated by the Islamist extremist group National Thowheeth Jama’ath (NTJ), claimed 269 lives and left over 500 injured, shaking the country to its core. For the families of those who perished and for survivors who carry both physical and emotional scars, the quest for justice has become a long, painful journey.

Yet, every government that has come to power since the Easter attacks has made grand promises of delivering justice to the victims. The new administration of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is the latest to step into this complex and highly sensitive terrain.

During a recent visit to St. Sebastian’s Church in Katuwapitiya, one of the attack’s epicentres, Dissanayake pledged to expedite investigations and finally bring the culprits to justice. But for many victims, the question remains: is this just another political manoeuvre or will this Government finally deliver?

The cycle of promises

Easter Attack Victims’ Collective Head Nishantha Mohandiram reflected a sentiment felt by many, saying: “What the victims want to know is who perpetrated this attack, who is behind this attack, and why they were targeted. We never receive answers to these questions. We hope the new Government will give us answers.”

For victims like Mohandiram, promises of justice have become almost ritualistic, as each successive administration pledges to make progress in the investigation. However, with every new government, a fresh round of investigations is launched, and the previous efforts are often sidelined, leading to confusion and scepticism among the victims.

“We have heard it all before,” says Mohandiram. “But what we need are real results, not more words.”

National Catholic Mass Communications Director Rev. Fr. Jude Krishantha Fernando shared similar concerns. “The Church expects the new Government to continue the investigations that were being conducted and to launch fresh inquiries into areas that initial investigations did not touch,” he said.

But even as the Church pushes for deeper investigations, there is a growing frustration over the lack of meaningful action following the findings of previous reports.

A politicised tragedy

As the country grapples with the aftermath of the attacks, it is clear that the search for justice has been politicised. The 2023 Supreme Court ruling, which mandated compensation for victims and held former President Maithripala Sirisena and senior security officials accountable for negligence, was a significant moment. But it also highlighted the pervasive belief that the attacks were not just a failure of security but a possible political manoeuvre as well.

“There is a widespread belief in society that the Easter Sunday attacks may have been carried out to gain political mileage,” President Dissanayake acknowledged during his visit to Katuwapitiya. “If hundreds of innocent lives were sacrificed for political purposes, it would be a profound tragedy.”

This suspicion has only grown over time, as investigations into the attacks have stalled, been redirected, or failed to hold certain individuals accountable.

Even as Sirisena and other high-ranking officials were ordered to pay compensation, many question whether the true masterminds have been brought to justice. The suspicion that key political figures may have had a role in the attacks – or at least failed to prevent them – continues to haunt the victims and the public at large.

For some, this deepens the wounds, making it harder to trust the Government’s promises of justice.

“If politics in the country has reached such an extreme, the first priority must be to eliminate this dangerous situation,” Dissanayake stressed, emphasising the importance of a transparent and impartial investigation. But these words, while powerful, echo the rhetoric of his predecessors.

The confusion

For the families of those lost in the attacks, these political undercurrents create an environment of confusion. Each new administration’s promises are met with a mix of hope and doubt. The victims, who once believed that justice was on the horizon, now find themselves caught in a loop of unfulfilled promises.

Centre for Society and Religion (CSR) Director Rev. Fr. Jude Vernon Rohan Silva has been an outspoken advocate for the victims. His organisation, alongside other groups, has lodged petitions urging legal action against those in power at the time of the attacks.

One of the key figures implicated is former Chief of the State Intelligence Service Senior DIG Nilantha Jayawardena, accused of failing to act on intelligence warnings that could have prevented the bombings.

Yet, as petitioners seek Jayawardena’s arrest, legal proceedings are moving at a snail’s pace.

Despite multiple reports from the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI), including damning findings about negligence and lapses in security, meaningful legal consequences have yet to materialise.

“What good are these reports if no one is held accountable?” asked Devage Surach Nilanga, an Easter attacks victim who joined the CSR in its petition. “We want to see action, not just words.”

A wound that will not heal

The Catholic Church has been a vocal advocate for justice, with Archbishop of Colombo Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith leading the charge. His repeated appeals to both local and international bodies, including the Human Rights Council in Geneva, have highlighted the need for closure. However, five years on, the Church’s frustration is palpable.

“The public continues to question the true cause of the attack,” Cardinal Ranjith said during a recent commemoration event. While the Government has provided some support to the victims, the underlying questions of who was truly responsible, and why, remain unanswered.

Yet, even in their frustration, many within the Church, including Cardinal Ranjith, express hope that President Dissanayake will be different. “I believe that the President will deliver on the promise of justice,” he said, acknowledging the trust that many have placed in Dissanayake’s leadership.

As Sri Lanka marks the fifth anniversary of the Easter Sunday attacks, the victims continue to carry the weight of unanswered questions and unmet promises. For the families of those who perished, the wounds remain fresh. Each life lost contained dreams, aspirations, and a place within their community. Their absence is felt not just by their loved ones but by an entire nation as well.

The victims and their families no longer want empty promises or political games. What they seek is justice – real, tangible action that holds the perpetrators accountable and prevents such a tragedy from ever happening again. But as the years pass and new governments rise and fall, the question lingers: will justice ever be delivered, or will the quest for truth remain mired in politics?

In the words of Mohandiram: “We have waited long enough. It’s time for action.”

Acting IGP instructed to expedite investigations into seven high-profile cases

The Ministry of Public Security has instructed the Acting IGP to expedite the police investigations into seven high-profile cases including the Easter Sunday bombings and the controversial Treasury Bond auction in 2015.

Instructions have also been given to expedite investigations into the death of businessman Dinesh Schaffter death and the death of a police officer during the shooting incident near the “W15” Hotel in Weligama in 2023, according to the Police Spokesman.

Police Spokesman DIG Nihal Thalduwa said the Ministry of Public Security has instructed the Acting IGP to direct special attention and to expedite several special investigations being carried out by the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) and other agencies as the progress of these investigations have been observed to be somewhat insufficient.

He stated that specially the investigations being handled by the CID were recently subjected to a review and that instructions were given with regard to several cases identified including the bond scandal and the Easter attacks, to assign more officers and expedite investigations.

DIG Thanduwa said instructions were also given to further investigate the suspicious death of businessman Dinesh Schaffter in 2022 and the disappearance of the former Eastern University Vice Chancellor Prof. S. Raveendranath in 2006.

With regard to the latter, he said that it was observed that investigations have not been sufficient and that the ministry instructed to expedite investigations and report on the progress.

He said instruction were given to expedite investigations into the incident where a Police Constable was killed in a shooting carried out by officers of the Weligama Police Station near the “W15” Hotel in Weligama on December 31, 2023.

The police spokesman added that instructions were issued to launch investigations into the abduction and murder of Tamil journalist Taraki Shivaram, also known as Dharmaratnam Shivaram, on April 28, 2005 as well as to expedite probing the disappearance of activists Lalith Kumar Weeraraj and Kugan Muruganathan in Jaffna on December 9, 2011.

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Why implement the 13th Amendment? By Dr.Nirmala Chandrahasan

The full implementation of 13 A will also help in the process of reconciliation as it will recognise the aspiration of different ethnic groups

The 13th Amendment passed in July 1987 still remains as part of the Constitution, without being implemented fully in letter and spirit

As 13A has now been a part of Sri Lanka’s Constitution for more than three decades it is time for a new government, including its politicians, technocrats and bureaucrats seeking to tackle the issues of reconciliation and economic development

The 13th Amendment passed in July 1987 still remains as part of the Constitution, without being implemented fully in letter and spirit. Presently the Provincial Councils set up under this Act are themselves in abeyance as elections to these councils have not been held for the last 6 years.

This institution is the only tangible gain that the Tamil people have got in the years since independence, with Indian assistance and pursuant to the Indo – Sri Lanka Peace Accord of July 1987. The 13th Amendment is regarded with suspicion by some Sinhala nationalists because they view any form of devolution as a form of federalism and in their minds federalism is equated to separatism and despite the supreme court decision in Chandrasoma Vs Senadhiraja which held that federalism is not separatism, this fallacy continues in the minds of some.

In multi ethnic countries the world over, a Federal constitution has been the glue which holds them together. To cite an example that stares us in the face is the neighbour on our doorstep, India. This country has been since its inception a federal union and continues to be one country despite its myriad ethnicities. India which is as much a subcontinent as a country has 22 languages recognised by its Constitution and every major religion is represented from Hinduism to Zoroastrianism. However, in Sri Lanka the ‘federal bogie’ was created by the ‘Lake house moguls’ of yesteryear and continues to date.

The notion that federalism is a step towards separation or division of the country is a canard that is used to whip up fear and deflect the people from the path of inclusive and secular politics. One must acknowledge that though the reasoning mind would know better, there remains a fear, caused by this propaganda among the Sinhala people, that it would lead to division and disintegration of the country. In this context the Tamil parties should focus on devolution and not federalism, and hence the pragmatic course is to functionalise the Provincial Councils system set up under 13A and make it work.

In July 2006 at the inaugural meeting of the All Party Representative Committee better known as the APRC (at which I might add all the parties including the JVP were represented and only the UNP and the TNA were absent, together with the multi ethnic Experts Committee appointed by the President to assist the APRC,) President Mahinda Rajapaksa stated as follows, “People in their own localities must take charge of their own destiny, and control their political and economic environment ….. in sum any solution needs to as a matter of urgency devolve power for people to take charge of their own destiny. Any solution must be seen as one that stretches to the maximum possible devolution without sacrificing the sovereignty of the country given the background of the conflict”.
Although this advise, was not followed by his Government, it puts succinctly what we must aim for in a meaningful devolution of power in Sri Lanka. To his credit as President, Mahinda Rajapaksa held the Provincial Council elections, to the de -linked Northern and Eastern provinces for the first time while the erstwhile administration has failed to hold Provincial and Local government elections thereby failing to uphold the constitutional provisions.

The present provincial council PC system which has been set up in all provinces of the country while (not being operational presently, due to the elections being withheld) is based not on any specific regional or ethnic criteria but directed towards all the people of the country. It seeks to empower the people in their localities whether it is Jaffna or Matara. This system allows for decisions to be taken closer to the local people and communities and not by politicians and bureaucrats in Colombo who can be more easily influenced by business and foreign interests that may not be in the countries national interest. Hence it has the potential to lead to more efficient delivery of people oriented services, in other words a participatory democracy.

Empowerment of the local authorities

The greater empowerment of the local authorities in the local government sector as a third tier of government and a Grama Rajya at the village level will further enhance this process and has been recommended by the Parliamentary subcommittee on centre periphery relations in 2016. It must be noted that the APRC report of 2010 set out in addition to the national and provincial a local government list so that this tier of government would have its defined area of competence.

The present shortcomings in the PC system and ways in which they can be overcome need a separate article. However, in brief it requires some amendments to the Provincial Council’s Act which is also suggested by the above sub-committee. All these changes can be implemented by amending 13A by a simple majority where all the PC’s agree, or by a two- thirds majority in Parliament where one or more PC’s do not agree. Similarly the Provincial Councils Act can be amended by a simple majority. The administrative changes required for a more efficient administration and the restructuring of the administrative services and the present dual system of administration can be changed by gazette notifications by the President as provided for in the 13th Amendment itself.


Democratization

Implementing 13A in its entirety will lead to greater democratization as well as people’s participation in economic development. I would like to point out that the PC list which sets out its areas of jurisdiction states in clause No. 21 as follows; ‘subject to the formulation and implementation of national policy in regard to development and planning they have the power to promote, establish and engage in agricultural, industrial, commercial and trading enterprises and other income generating projects within the province without prejudice to the power of the central government and public corporations to have such enterprises and projects.

Hence a participatory role in economic development is envisaged although this has thus far been acted upon only in limited cases such as in the setting up of the Industrial Development Board by the North Western Province. The Parliamentary subcommittee on centre-periphery relations has pointed out that PC’s should be provided with adequate resources to discharge their responsibilities and they have suggested that PC’s should have the capacity to seek and obtain loans and investments or at least have the power to administer independently projects financed by foreign aid and direct investment in the province. In 2006 the experts committee in its report had recommended that the PC’s should be allowed to raise foreign loans and investments but through a centrally regulated process.

The full implementation of 13 A will also help in the process of reconciliation as it will recognise the aspiration of different ethnic groups for more equal representation and to have power to engage in governance in their areas of historical habitation. In the UK which is a unitary state similar powers have been devolved to the different ethnic regional units namely Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. Scotland has its own Parliament while still sending members to the Parliament in Westminster, similarly Wales and Northern Ireland have their legislative assembly’s while being represented at Westminster. The powers appertaining to these assemblies are not very different from those appertaining to the provincial councils in Sri Lanka including those of law and order and police powers which were devolved to Northern Ireland at a later date sometime after the ‘Good Friday Peace Agreement’ as a sign of good will and reconciliation.

As 13A has now been a part of Sri Lanka’s Constitution for more than three decades it is time for a new government, including its politicians, technocrats and bureaucrats seeking to tackle the issues of reconciliation and economic development which are inextricably linked, to cease to view it with suspicion and antipathy and cooperate in its implementation in full, and see it as a supportive institution making for a more participatory democratic form of governance and a more people-centred and effective administration, not just for the Tamil-speaking peoples but for all the people and for the entire country.

(The writer an Attorney- at- Law was a member of the Experts Committee appointed in 2006 to advise the APRC on the Constitution and on Resolving the national question, and was involved in drafting the Majority Report of the Experts Committee.)

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General Election: 690 nominations accepted, 74 rejected

The Commissioner General of Elections, Saman Sri Ratnayake, announced that a total of 764 nomination papers were submitted by political parties and independent groups for the 2024 General Election, from the 22 electoral districts across the island.

However, he stated that only 690 nomination papers were accepted from political parties and independent groups for the election and that 74 nomination papers were rejected.

Speaking to reporters this evening (11) after the nomination period ended, he stated that the highest number of nominations were received for the Digamadulla electoral district with 72.

He said that 64 of these were accepted as 08 nomination papers were rejected.

The Commissioner General added that the lowest number of nominations were received jointly from the Polonnaruwa and Monaragala districts with 15 each.

He revealed that preference numbers will be announced in the near future.

The accepting of nominations for the General Election commenced on October 4 and ended at 12.00 noon today (October 11). Time was allocated until 1.30 p.m. to file any objections related to the nominations.

Right groups urge global scrutiny on Sri Lanka’s HR violations

International right groups have urged continuous global scrutiny over Sri Lanka’s human rights violations after a day after resolution was passed to extend the United Nations to collect evidence of past and current abuses violations and crimes under international law committed in Sri Lanka for use in future prosecutions.

The United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) on Wednesday (09) adopted the resolution to extend the term of the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to collect evidence for past human rights abuses by another year.

The resolution was presented by a core group consisting of Canada, Malawi, Montenegro, North Macedonia, the United Kingdom, and the United States and is the first on human rights under the new president Anura Kumara Dissanayake who was elected as the president of the island nation last month.

“The Human Rights Council’s resolution on Sri Lanka is important for efforts to uphold fundamental rights in the country and to seek justice for past atrocities,” Lucy McKernan, the deputy Geneva director at Human Rights Watch, said in a statement.

“International action is needed in Sri Lanka so long as victims and their families are denied justice. The new government of President Dissanayake should reveal what happened to thousands of victims of enforced disappearance, end security agencies’ harassment of victims and human rights defenders seeking justice, and open credible investigations into alleged crimes that were blocked by previous governments.”

Babu Ram Pant, Deputy Regional Director for South Asia at Amnesty International, in a statement said the adoption of the UNHRC’s resolution underscores the continued need for international scrutiny on human rights concerns in Sri Lanka.

Rights groups urged to extend the resolution by two years, but it was extended only by a year. Sri Lanka before the adoption said it was against the resolution to extend the evidence gathering on past rights abuses.

“It was disappointing therefore that the government instead chose to continue past policy and express opposition to evidence gathering by the UN,” Pant said in a statement.

“This casts a shadow on the government’s willingness to utilise available resources to ensure accountability for serious human rights violations and risks perpetuation of deep-rooted impunity.”

“With this resolution, the international community should step up its engagement with the new Sri Lankan government towards meaningful progress on truth, justice and reparations.”

SRI LANKA OPPOSES, BUT WILL ENGAGE

Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations Himali Arunatilaka in ger statement said in line with the aspirations of the people, the new government under Dissanayake will prioritize integrity, and ethical governance including addressing issues of mismanagement and corruption that were at the root of the economic collapse.

She said the government will protect democracy and human rights of all citizens including addressing past issues while domestic mechanisms and processes that deal with reconciliation, accountability and justice will be credible and independent within the Constitutional framework, and a truth and reconciliation process that has the people’s trust will be operationalized.

“As we have repeatedly reminded this Council, setting up of this external evidence gathering mechanism within the OHCHR is an unprecedented and ad hoc expansion of the Council’s mandate, and contradicts its founding principles of impartiality, objectivity and non-selectivity,” Arunatilaka said.

“No sovereign state can accept the superimposition of an external mechanism that runs contrary to its Constitution and which pre-judges the commitment of its domestic legal processes. Furthermore, many countries have already raised serious concerns on the budgetary implications of this mechanism given its ever-expanding mandate.”

“Notwithstanding our rejection of the Resolution, Sri Lanka will continue its longstanding constructive engagement with this Council including with regular human rights bodies, and all core Human Rights treaties to which we are party,” Arunatilaka said.

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US Pacific fleet Commander meets Sri Lanka president

Commander of the US Pacific Fleet Stephen Koehler has met Sri Lanka’s President Anura Dissanayake.

“Had an important meeting with @stephenkoelher, Commander of the @USPacificFleet, today (10). The U.S. commitment to support Sri Lanka in combating transnational threats like drug smuggling and terrorism was discussed,” Dissanayake said on X.

US ambassador to Sri Lanka Julie Chung was also present.

“@USPacificFleet Admiral Koehler and I met with President @AnuraDisanayake today to discuss how our U.S.-Sri Lanka security partnership can strengthen Sri Lanka’s sovereignty while ensuring regional stability in the Indo-Pacific,” Chung said on X.

The US remains committed to enhancing the bilateral relationship with Sri Lanka, working together to promote security, prosperity, and shared values, the ambassador said.

Earlier in the day, the US officials handed over a King Air aircraft to the Sri Lanka Air Force to help “tackle maritime challenges together, enhancing our collective efforts for regional stability in the Indo-Pacific,” Chung said.

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Sri Lanka President discusses future cooperation with top USAID official

Sri Lanka President Anura Kumara Dissanayake held a virtual discussion with the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) Samantha Power on future cooperation, the President’s Media Division said.

It is the first meeting between Power and Dissanayake since the Presidential elections on September 21.

“During the meeting, the two leaders exchanged views on matters of mutual interest and explored avenues for future cooperation,” the PMD said in a statement.

Power stated that USAID is willing to support the government aligning with the manifesto presented to the people; the PMD said referring to Dissanayake’s policy framework focused on strong anti-corruption actions.

“Samantha Power also assured President Dissanayake that USAID is prepared to support Sri Lanka in any way needed. This commitment reflects a shared vision for enhancing development and cooperation with the USAID agency,” PMD said.

The USAID has extended several financial assistance from time to time since the South Asian island nation was hit by an unprecedented economic crisis and declared sovereign debt default in 2022.

SJB reveals 29-member National List

Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) has released its list of candidates nominated as national list members of parliament (National List MPs) for the 2024 General Election.

See the full 29-member list below:

1. Ranjith Madduma Bandara

2. Imthiaz Bakeer Markar

3. Dullas Alahapperuma

4. Sagaran Vijayandiran

5. Nizam Kariapper

6. Sujeewa Senasinghe

7. G. L. Peiris

8. Sudarshani Fernandopulle

9. Upul Jayasuriya

10. Mahim Mendis

11. Upul Bandara Dissanayake

12. Rohana Lakshman Piyadasa

13. Lihini Fernando

14. Ravindra Samaraweera

15. Athulasiri Samarakoon

16. Kennedy Degaulle Gunawardana

17. Lalith Prasanna Perera

18. Vishaka Kamalee Suriyabandara

19. Mahesh Senanayake

20. Ravi Jayawardena

21. Thisath Devapriya Bandara Wijegunawardena

22. Lankeshwara Mithrapala

23. Palanivelu Parameshwaran

24. Balakrishnan Sivanesan

25. Ganapathy Naguleswaran

26. Chandima Wijegunawardana

27. Mohamed Hashim Mohamed Roomy

28. Muhammadu Ismail Muttu Muhammadu

29. Indika Bandaranayake

SLPP’s National List for 2024 General Election

The Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) has released its list of candidates nominated as national list members of parliament (National List MPs) for the 2024 General Election.

See the full 29-member list below:

1. Namal Rajapaksa

2. Gamini Lokuge

3. C. B. Ratnayake

4. Ven.Uthurawala Dhammarathana Thero

5. Tissa Vitharana

6. Jayantha Ketagoda

7. Sagara Kariyawasam

8. Thisakutti Arachchi

9. Ven. Tebuwana Piyananda Thero Tebuwana

10. Muhammad Fadil Marjan Asmi

11. Renuka Perera

12. Wimal Geegange

13. W. Dayarathna

14. Anusha Damayanthi

15. Jagath Wellawatta

16. Wasantha Handapangoda

17. Viraj Perera

18. Athula Priyadarshana De Silva

19. Manjula Wellalage

20. Ravihara Kulathunga

21. Damith Hettihewa

22. Ranjith Bandara

23. Vidura Perera

24. Pasan Kasthuri Fernando

25. Sarath Keerthirathna

26. Sudath Rohana

27. Mahinda Pathirana

28. Rathna Dharmapriya Daya Pathirana

29. Samantha Indika

Rajapaksas will not contest; Namal in national list

Leader of the SLPP Mahinda Rajapaksa will not contest the upcoming general election, the party said.

His elder brother Chamal too, will not be a candidate.

National organizer Namal will be appointed from the party’s national list, although Basil’s name has not been included this time.

Gotabaya has decided to support the party.

Chamal’s son Shasheendra will contest from Moneragala and Nipuna Ranawaka from Matara, according to nethnews.lk.

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