A meeting between Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath and Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar was held in the United States on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) session.

In a post on his official X account, Minister Herath said the discussion reaffirmed the strong friendship and close cooperation between Sri Lanka and India.

Herath is accompanying President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to New York, where the President is scheduled to address the UNGA at 3.15 p.m. local time today (24). The Presidential Media Division said the President will also hold bilateral talks with UN Secretary-General António Guterres and several world leaders during his visit.

Meanwhile, Minister Herath also met with U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Alison Hooker. The discussion focused on strengthening bilateral cooperation and advancing shared priorities between Sri Lanka and the United States.

When Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) swept into office a year ago, it marked the first time a leftist leader from the National People’s Power (NPP) had captured Sri Lanka’s presidency.

Riding a wave of frustration with mainstream parties and promising a “new political culture,” Dissanayake presented himself as the face of accountability, anti-corruption, and people-centered governance after years of economic hardship and elite impunity.

Ordinary citizens measure a government by their daily hardships. By this yardstick, many feel disappointed. Many people still praise AKD’s anti-corruption policies and some accountability measures. However, they complain that their cost of living has not reduced much. Others, especially youth who voted for change, express frustration that systemic issues are unchanged.

Polls indicate a dip in AKD’s popularity from the euphoria of election night. Opposition parties sense an opening, accusing him of betraying his own voters.

One year into office, President Dissanayake’s scorecard is a patchwork: modest gains on macro stability, welfare, and foreign policy; stalled progress on political reform and anti-corruption; and glaring failure on cost-of-living relief.

He faces a stark choice in year two: either use his political capital to deliver visible change, mainly in easing people’s burdens, or risk becoming another chapter in Sri Lanka’s long story of broken promises.

Twelve months later, his administration faces mixed reviews. Some of his campaign pledges like trimming presidential powers, pursuing corruption investigations, and expanding welfare, have seen partial traction. But on crucial fronts such as economic relief, public sector reform, and debt restructuring, expectations have collided with harsh realities.

Here is a scorecard of AKD’s first year, measured against his own promises.

1. Abolishing the “Executive Presidency” – Not Fulfilled

One of Dissanayake’s loudest campaign commitments was to dismantle the overbearing executive presidency that many critics blame for decades of authoritarianism and abuse of power. He pledged to introduce a system where the president would be largely ceremonial, with parliament and independent institutions playing stronger roles.

In practice, progress has been halting. A draft for constitutional reform was floated, with discussions about shifting powers to parliament and curbing presidential immunity. Yet, by his first anniversary in office, no concrete bill has been passed. Government allies argue that constitutional changes require a two-thirds majority and a referendum. Though the NPP has more than two-third parliament majority, it might struggle to win a referendum.

Opponents accuse Dissanayake of enjoying the very powers he once vowed to surrender. The promise remains unfulfilled, and public skepticism is mounting.

2. Fighting Corruption and Recovering Stolen Assets – Partially Fulfilled

Another cornerstone of AKD’s campaign was a pledge to hunt down corrupt politicians and business elites, recover looted wealth, and hold offenders accountable. In his early months, a few high-profile investigations were reopened. The Proceeds of Crime Act was used in several test cases, and his government pushed for tighter financial disclosure rules for MPs and officials.

However, critics say the results are cosmetic. No major conviction of a powerful figure has occurred yet. Asset recovery has been slow, and many cases are bogged down in court procedures. Civil society activists argue that the government lacks the political will to target allies and instead focuses on scapegoats from rival camps.

Supporters counter that systemic change takes time, and laying a legal framework is more important than instant headline arrests.

3. Cost of Living and Economic Relief – Not Fulfilled

Dissanayake’s most immediate promise to the electorate was easing the unbearable cost of living. His campaign narrative was built on empathy for ordinary Sri Lankans crushed by inflation, taxes, and shortages.

Yet one year in, the reality looks grim. While inflation has indeed fallen from crisis highs, food prices and utility bills remain punishing for lower- and middle-income families. Electricity tariff reforms demanded by the IMF remain a flashpoint, with his government reluctant to implement cost-reflective pricing but unable to shield households fully from hikes.

On taxation, the government has struggled to balance IMF conditions with popular pressure. Income and VAT increases have deepened public resentment.

Many citizens feel little tangible relief, accusing the president of abandoning his people-friendly rhetoric once in office.

4. Debt Restructuring and Economic Recovery – Partially Fulfilled

On the macroeconomic front, AKD inherited an IMF-supported program and a country emerging from default. His pledge was to renegotiate terms more equitably, protect sovereignty, and accelerate recovery.

To his credit, Sri Lanka has seen modest growth retud inflation run, improved foreign reserves, and stabilized inflation. Debt restructuring talks advanced during his first year, with significant progress on bilateral and commercial fronts. However, deals have dragged on longer than expected, and uncertainty clouds investor confidence.

The administration has promoted new foreign direct investment (FDI) deals in ports, energy, and agriculture. But critics argue the government lacks a coherent long-term industrial or export strategy.

5. Public Sector Reform and Job Creation – Not Fulfilled

Dissanayake promised to rationalize Sri Lanka’s bloated public sector, make it efficient, and generate jobs in productive sectors. But reforms have barely scratched the surface. The state payroll remains unwieldy, and attempts to restructure loss-making SOEs have stalled amid union resistance.

Unemployment among youth is still high, and many graduates remain underemployed. While vocational training and digital economy initiatives have been announced, their impact is not yet visible.

6. Social Protection and Welfare – Partially Fulfilled

To cushion vulnerable groups, AKD’s government expanded targeted welfare payments under the “Aswesuma” program, while trimming wasteful subsidies. Digital cash transfers have improved efficiency, though implementation has been uneven.

Poorer families acknowledge some benefits, but the broader public feels welfare alone cannot offset economic pain.

8. Foreign Policy with Non-Aligned Pragmatism – Partially Fulfilled

Dissanayake campaigned on restoring Sri Lanka’s non-aligned posture, distancing from great power rivalry while safeguarding sovereignty. In his first year, Colombo balanced ties with India, China, and the West, avoiding overt alignment.

His government courted investment from India and China but emphasized transparency in deals. Relations with the IMF, UN, and regional partners remain functional. However, Colombo’s handling of sensitive issues like Palestine and Ukraine has attracted scrutiny, with some accusing the president of fence-sitting.

10. New Political Culture – Not Fulfilled

One of AKD’s boldest promises was introducing a “new political culture”: clean politics, people-first governance, and transparency. A year later, the verdict is sobering.

While rhetoric has changed, old patterns remain: patronage, lack of consultation, and centralization of power. His cabinet has faced criticism for weak performance and a shortage of technocratic expertise. Parliamentary behaviour has not improved significantly.

The dream of transformative politics is still just a dream.

Minister of Public Security Ananda Wijepala has claimed that certain politicians in the Southern Province are allegedly connected to drug trafficking and organized criminal networks.

Speaking at a media briefing held today (22), the Public Security Minister stated that this information is emerging based on intelligence reports and tips received from the general public.

Minister Wijepala further noted that the criminal underworld and drug networks have expanded as a result of past political culture, but emphasized that the current government is now paying special attention to dismantling these operations. The Minister also confirmed that three major drug raids were conducted today in Tangalle.

“There’s an important message for the public. We now have certain information indicating political links to serious drug and organized crime activities—particularly involving politicians from the south,” the Minister said.

Minister of Public Security Ananda Wijepala added, “The public is actively coming forward with information. Police are doing their job diligently, and intelligence agencies are receiving a large volume of data. We appeal to the public to continue sharing any information they have with law enforcement. We assure that both the information and the identity of those providing it will be protected.”

The Public Security Minister also stated that key information related to narcotics is now being uncovered from ‘Kehelbaddara Padme’, a known member of an organized crime gang, and other underworld criminals who were recently arrested in Indonesia and brought back to Sri Lanka.

They are currently being held under the custody of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID).

The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) today informed Colombo Chief Magistrate Asanga S. Bodaragama that out of 10,000 gold items believed to have belonged to the LTTE and discovered in camps, illegal banks and buildings in the Northern and Eastern Provinces during the humanitarian operation and thereafter sent to the National Gem and Jewellery Authority on court orders, 6,000 items have now been handed over to the Central Bank of Sri Lanka.

The court had earlier directed the National Gem and Jewellery Authority to examine the 10,000 gold items and submit a detailed report to court and to the CID, setting out the gold content and weight of the items.

Accordingly, CID officers told court that following such examination by the Authority, 6,000 items had been transferred to the Central Bank.

They further submitted this information while tendering an additional progress report when the case was taken up in court.

It had previously been brought to the attention of court that the gold items recovered in the Northern and Eastern Provinces during the humanitarian operation had either been voluntarily given by the local residents to the LTTE, or had been taken by the LTTE from them by force, and that investigations are continuing to ascertain these matters.

Three years after its controversial entry into the Indian Ocean, China’s Yuan Wang 5 — a vessel officially designated as a “research ship” but widely recognised as a sophisticated intelligence-gathering platform — has once again been tracked near the region, sparking fresh concerns in India’s security establishment.

According to Indian and Bangladeshi naval sources, the ship was located at 11.0288 S and 100.9873° E at 02:38 UTC (around 8:10 pm IST) on Saturday through the Automatic Identification System (AIS). The vessel has been under close watch since it left Indonesia about 36 hours earlier, with Bangladeshi naval officers noting its likely trajectory toward the Bay of Bengal.

While Dhaka has been openly monitoring the ship’s movements, Indian authorities have remained tight-lipped. However, sources in the national security and intelligence agencies have admitted that the vessel’s entry is being taken “very seriously” given its advanced space-tracking and surveillance capabilities.

This marks the second time in three years that the Yuan Wang 5 has sailed into waters close to India. In August 2022, the ship docked at Sri Lanka’s Chinese-built Hambantota Port despite strong objections from New Delhi. At the time, Beijing defended the deployment as “marine scientific research” consistent with international law, with Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Wang Wenbin asserting that the vessel’s movements “should not be obstructed by any third party.”

The Yuan Wang 5 belongs to China’s latest generation of space-tracking ships, used to monitor satellite launches, rockets and intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs). Its presence so close to the Indian Ocean littoral has long been interpreted by defence analysts as part of Beijing’s expanding military footprint in the region.

The timing of its return has added to strategic unease in India, coinciding with the just-concluded US-Bangladesh joint exercise Pacific Angel-2025 in Chittagong and Cox’s Bazar. Around 120 officers from the United States Air Force (USAF) participated in the drill with Bangladesh Army and Air Force personnel, departing the country on Saturday, September 20.

Analysts in New Delhi caution that the renewed presence of the Yuan Wang 5 may not only be aimed at satellite-tracking but could also provide Beijing with valuable intelligence on regional military activities — particularly as India and the United States deepen security cooperation in South Asia.

(Khabargaon)

At the 60th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC), the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) will present its report on the human rights situation in Sri Lanka, and the Council will be asked to consider the renewal of the OHCHR mandates in the country. In 2021, HRC resolution 46/1 established two vital mandates:

To the OHCHR Sri Lanka Accountability Project (OSLAP) to collect, analyze and preserve evidence of “gross violations of human rights or serious violations of international humanitarian law in Sri Lanka, to advocate for victims and survivors, and to support relevant judicial and other proceedings, including in Member States, with competent jurisdiction.”
To the High Commissioner for Human Rights to monitor and report to the Council on human rights violations in Sri Lanka.
Human Rights Watch Briefing on the Human Rights Situation in Sri Lanka
Those mandates were renewed by the HRC in 2022 for two years, and in 2024 for one year.

To protect human rights in Sri Lanka, uphold the principle of accountability for the most serious international crimes and give victims’ families an avenue to justice in the absence of any credible domestic accountability process, the Human Rights Council at its 60th session should renew both mandates for two years.

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In the nearly one year since President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has been in office – despite pledges to uphold Sri Lanka’s human rights obligations – there has been little if any improvement in any of the key human rights issues that led to action by the Human Rights Council. Impunity for mass atrocities and grave rights violations remains absolute, while intimidation and surveillance of victims and activists in previously war-affected areas continues.

The Dissanayake government invited the High Commissioner to visit Sri Lanka in June, but during their meeting the President only spoke of “commitment to national unity and reconciliation as well as to overcoming the economic challenge Sri Lanka is faced with,” instead of publicly backing the efforts of the Human Rights Council to ensure accountability.

A Crisis of Impunity

Tens of thousands of people were killed during the civil war between the Sri Lankan government and the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), including an estimated 40,000 in the final months alone. Abuses by government forces included arbitrary arrests and detention, extrajudicial killings, rape and other sexual violence, enforced disappearance, torture and other ill-treatment, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians. The LTTE committed numerous atrocities, including suicide bombings and other indiscriminate killings of civilians, torture, the use of child soldiers, forced displacement of ethnic populations, targeted killings, and summary executions.

Since end of the war in 2009, the UN has played a vital role in advancing justice and accountability while seeking to end ongoing violations. The Secretary-General’s Panel of Experts report (2011) and OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka (OISL, 2015) documented extensive rights abuses and violations by both sides during the conflict, some of which they found may have amounted to war crimes and crimes against humanity. The OISL report found that:

“[t]he sheer number of allegations, their gravity, recurrence and the similarities in their modus operandi, as well as the consistent pattern of conduct they indicate, all point to system crimes… these findings demonstrate that there are reasonable grounds to believe that gross violations of international human rights law, serious violations of international humanitarian law and international crimes were committed by all parties during the period under review. Indeed, if established before a court of law, many of the allegations may… amount to war crimes… and/or crimes against humanity.”

Successive Sri Lankan governments have appointed at least 10 commissions since the 1990s to examine human rights violations and war crimes, but none led to accountability or revealed the fate of thousands of victims of enforced disappearance. Instead, successive governments have blocked the few criminal investigations that had made some progress. During his June visit, High Commissioner Volker Türk warned of the “impunity trap,” and that “an absence of justice will undermine the stability of peace.” At the end of his visit, the High Commissioner stated: “Sri Lanka has struggled to move forward with domestic accountability mechanisms that are credible and have the trust and confidence of victims. This is why Sri Lankans have looked outside for justice, through assistance at the international level.” By blocking accountability successive Sri Lankan governments have deepened the suffering of victim communities, and broken commitments made to the Human Rights Council to ensure truth, justice and reparations.

The series of Human Rights Council resolutions since the war ended has shown Member States’ determination that there must be accountability for these crimes, including by establishing OSLAP to collect and preserve evidence in 2021. Those mandates have been among the very few remaining sources of hope for victims and their families seeking justice. More recently, Sri Lankan governments have rejected the Council’s resolutions outright, while valorizing “war heroes.”

In a statement to the Council on October 9, 2024, the then newly elected Sri Lankan government pledged that “[d]omestic mechanisms and processes that deal with reconciliation, accountability and justice will be credible and independent,” and stated that, “[a]s directed by the President, investigative authorities have already announced redoubling of investigation into a number of clearly identified accountability cases that were pending from the past.” However, there is little if any observable progress – whether active investigations or prosecutions, much less convictions – towards these commitments. Little has changed since prosecutions in a number of emblematic cases were halted under President Gotabaya Rajapaksa (2019-2022). While there remains no apparent prospect of new investigations or prosecutions related to human rights violations or war crimes in the northeast, high-profile proceedings such as in the 2009 murder of Colombo-based newspaper editor Lasantha Wickrematunge, and the 2010 enforced disappearance of journalist Prageeth Ekneligoda, both remain stalled, although the police have collected extensive evidence of security forces involvement in both cases. Since his election, President Dissanayake has made no progress towards his campaign promise to make the prosecutors’ office politically independent. Neither has there been any apparent progress in a promised investigation of the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings, which killed over 250 people, although President Dissanayake has supported claims by whistleblowers and the Catholic church that there was a cover-up of state complicity in the attacks.

Long and bitter experience has caused victims, their families and communities, to lose faith in domestic institutions and processes that have sought to shield alleged perpetrators. Victims’ families have therefore engaged with OSLAP, despite the risk of government reprisals – a risk that continues under the current administration.[1]

Since his election, President Dissanayake has spoken of “reconciliation,” but despite subsequently securing a large parliamentary majority his government has not taken any steps that demonstrate a willingness to appropriately address conflict-era crimes. While a country that endured decades of civil war should embark upon a process of truth telling and reconciliation, this cannot replace the need for a simultaneous justice and accountability process.

Recommendations to the government:

Allow OSLAP access to Sri Lanka to undertake investigations and to meet with victims and witnesses of crimes under international law;
Promptly initiate the process to create the Directorate of Public Prosecutions, separate from the attorney general’s office, as pledged in the election manifesto of the President’s party;
Build on and utilize evidence gathered by previous domestic commissions of inquiry to pursue justice and accountability; and
Ensure fair and thorough investigations of major crimes including the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings, and of emblematic cases that were partially investigated and prosecuted between 2015-19 before those investigations were dropped under President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.
Enforced Disappearances and Mass Graves

Sri Lanka has one of the world’s highest rates of enforced disappearances, numbering in the tens of thousands, including those who disappeared during the 1980s Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) insurgency and during and after the civil war between the government and the LTTE. Previous governments have for decades refused to reveal the fate of the disappeared, or to prosecute those responsible. The government’s Office of Missing Persons (OMP) has made almost no apparent progress investigating cases and is widely distrusted by victims’ families.

At least 20 mass graves have been discovered throughout the island, often by accident. Earlier this year a fresh investigation began at Chemmani, near Jaffna, after construction workers uncovered human remains. By late July 2025 the remains of over 100 people, including children, suspected to have been victims of extra-judicial killings by the Sri Lankan army, had been discovered, but lawyers working on the case believe the site may contain many more. Sri Lankan authorities lack the technical capacity to rigorously investigate mass grave sites, and in the past a lack of political will has also undermined investigations, meaning that almost no victims’ remains have ever been identified or other evidence suitably preserved.

When he visited Chemmani and met families of the disappeared on June 25 2025, UN High Commissioner Türk said, “One thing that needs to be done is thorough investigations… by independent experts with forensic expertise who can bring out the truth.”

Recommendations to the government:

End the security forces’ harassment and intimidation of relatives of the disappeared who are campaigning for truth and justice;
Accept international technical assistance to investigate mass graves throughout the island, and identify remains including by DNA testing;

Reform or replace the OMP, to ensure a body that is credible in the eyes of victims’ families, and upholds their rights;
Use evidence gathered by the OMP and numerous commissions of inquiry to reveal the fate of the disappeared;

Allow robust and independent criminal investigations and prosecutions of people alleged to be responsible for enforced disappearances; and Invite the Working Group on Enforced Disappearances to visit Sri Lanka for the first time since 2019.
Surveillance and Intimidation of Families and Human Rights Defenders

In the north and east of Sri Lanka, the areas which were most affected by the civil war, police and intelligence agencies continue to monitor and intimidate the families of victims who are campaigning for justice, as well as human rights defenders and other members of civil society. Among other things, security agencies attempt to monitor victim families’ and activists’ engagement with OSLAP and with the Human Rights Council process. The NGO Secretariat, responsible for regulating civil society organizations, is part of the Ministry of Public Security, indicating that civil society is treated as a threat to public security.

“Every day the police are visiting my house,” a human rights defender in Batticaloa, Eastern Province, told Human Rights Watch in July. A woman in Trincomalee, who has shared extensive information with OSLAP, said counterterrorism police questioned her at her home for three hours in June. “The monitoring is tighter now,” she said. “Sometimes they [police] approach our children to get information about us. That is a type of threat.” According to another human rights defender in the northeast, “The Sri Lankan government wants to show that they allowed the [UN] High Commissioner [for Human Rights] into the country, but they never give a visa for OSLAP to collect the victims’ and witnesses statements.”

Recommendations to the government:

Direct security agencies to end the harassment and intimidation of victims’ families and human rights defenders who are campaigning for truth and justice, including threats and intimidation related to their engagement with UN human rights mechanisms.

Prevention of Terrorism Act

President Dissanayake’s election manifesto included a commitment to the “[a]bolition of all oppressive acts including the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and ensuring civil rights of people in all parts of the country.” Previous governments have made similar commitments, including repeatedly to the Human Rights Council. However, since his election the authorities have continued to use the PTA to detain people, often from minority communities, without credible evidence to support terrorism allegations. Many Muslims who were arrested and detained under the PTA without evidence of wrongdoing in connection with the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings continue to face harassment from the security forces.

According to human rights defenders in the Northern and Eastern provinces, members of the police and intelligence agencies routinely warn that they will be accused of terrorism because of their work. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) found in September 2023 that “broad application of counter-terrorism rules” restricts civil society scrutiny of official corruption.

Recommendations to the government:

Immediately impose a full moratorium on the use of the PTA, and promptly implement the commitment to repeal it;
Release remaining long-term PTA prisoners who were convicted on the basis of confessions obtained under torture;
Ensure that any new counterterrorism legislation is compliant with international human rights standards; and
Direct security agencies to end the harassment and intimidation of people, mostly Tamils and Muslims, who were previously accused under the PTA and released due to lack of evidence.

Rights to Freedom of Religion or Belief

The campaign to redesignate Hindu temples as Buddhist sites gathered speed in 2020, when then-President Gotabaya Rajapaksa established the Presidential Task Force for Archaeological Heritage Management in the Eastern Province. Although the task force is no longer active, the policy has continued under President Dissanayake. Agencies, including the Department of Archaeology, Department of Forests, Department of Wildlife Conservation, the military, and the police, have taken part in a concerted strategy assailing the culture and practices of religious minorities. In many cases, private lands belonging to Hindu or Muslim communities have also been affected. These actions violate rights including to freedom of religion or belief, and make government rhetoric of postwar “reconciliation” appear hollow.

Recommendations to the government:

Direct state agencies to end the practices of encroaching upon or denying access to minority religious sites;
Ensure that the police and other state agencies respect court orders upholding the rights of minorities to religious sites; and
Ensure that minority communities’ rights to lands that they use for economic activities are not subject to discriminatory interference or obstruction by government agencies.

[1] For example, according to a report by the Jaffna-based Adayaalam Centre for Policy Research, “In February 2024, two leaders from the FOD {Families of the Disappeared]… travelled to Geneva for advocacy meetings, and faced targeted harassment. While they were away, the [plainclothes police] CID interrogated their family members, relatives, villagers and other FOD, inquiring about the whereabouts and purpose of their travels. Upon their return, they were interrogated and harassed. The activist mentioned above, in particular, has been summoned by both the [anti-terrorism] CTID and CID several times since then… [One] activist concerned told the CID, ‘[Y]ou are not looking for my husband who has forcibly disappeared but are always looking for me!’” Adayaalam Centre for Policy Research, A Phantom that is Real: persisting culture of surveillance and intimidation in the north-east, February 2025, https://adayaalam.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/A-Phantom-that-is-Real_-Persisting-Culture-or-Surveilance-and-Intimidation-in-the-NorthEast.pdf (accessed August 4, 2025).