Pallewatte Gamaralage Maithripala Sirisena served as Sri Lanka’s seventh President from January 8, 2015 to November 18, 2019. By virtue of his office, he was also the Minister of Defence and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces.
The worst crisis during his tenure was on Easter Sunday five years ago—the church and hotel bombings that left 247 innocent men, women, and children dead. Nearly 500 more were injured in a massacre that shook the world.

When the bloody carnage unfolded, Sirisena was away in Singapore. He had flown there direct after an official visit to India. Some reports claimed that he had gone shopping for the wedding of his son Daham. However, Sirisena claimed it was for medical reasons and later flaunted documents to show he had taken several tests at the Mount Elizabeth Hospital. In contradictory remarks, he claimed he was on holiday or for a medical checkup. He returned to Colombo only at midnight on April 21. All the blood had flown by then. It is no secret that one of his directives to the security forces and police top brass was not to take orders from his yahapalana government’s Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. He had taken upon himself the task of giving directives and chairing meetings of the Security Council.

On April 30, 2019, just a week after the massacre, I was at the Presidential Secretariat and saw him speaking exclusively to CNN’s Sam Kiley from a room there. The cameraman and crew were munching pol sambol sandwiches as they listened to then President Sirisena, who appeared in control. The answers to two questions are relevant. The interview was broadcast worldwide. Here are the questions:

Q: Mr President, Could you outline for us any information you have at this stage of connections between the suicide bombers and the so-called Islamic State. There have been reports in the United Kingdom of a connection there with at least one of them. Have you got any information on that?

A: It is very clear that there is a connection between the Sri Lankan suicide bombers and IS, as for the information revealed by the state intelligence services and foreign intelligence services which have been assisting us. Over the past 15 years, there have been connections between IS and certain Sri Lankan persons. It is clear they obtained training from the IS. Therefore, according to the information revealed by international intelligence services as well as domestic services, this has been made evident to us. Furthermore, after the incident that occurred, and, after the explosions that took place in Sammanthurai, the IS headquarters have admitted they sponsored these incidents.

Q: You say you had intelligence both domestic and international that would indicate there was a plan to attack tourists and churchgoers on Easter: nothing was done about that in this country, you are the Minister of Defence, you are responsible for the Police, do you not think this should be a case for you to resign?

A: Well, I was not informed about information pertaining to this attack, prior to the occurrence of the incident. The intelligence services, the Director of Intelligence has informed the Secretary to the Ministry of Defence, who in turn informed the Inspector General of Police. The foreign intelligence services have provided information to intelligence services on the 4th of April, 7 and from the 4th of April to the 12th of April letters have been exchanged by officers. Nobody reported these to me.

On 16th of April, I went out of the country for a personal holiday. The information reached local intelligence services on the 4th of April, and I departed the country 12 days afterwards. I was informed of this information. Therefore, it is not I, it is the IGP of Police and the Secretary to the Ministry of Defence should be resigning. I have taken action to remove them. Action will also be taken to investigate their action as they have been negligent in their duties. Furthermore, action will be taken to investigate their action since I was not updated or notified about the information that they received about the possibility of such a severe attack on our soil.

That the Easter Sunday attacks of 2019 had links to the IS came to be endorsed by others. Intelligence agencies of several countries, including the United States, France, and Germany, were among those allowed free access to interact with local counterparts, make their own assessments, and form their own conclusions. In the United States, two Sri Lankans were tried in courts for IS connections. They were convicted and are now serving a term.

The Cabinet of Ministers chaired by then President Sirisena decided to appoint a Commission of Inquiry on September 22, 2019. Supreme Court Judge Justice Janak de Silva chaired the Commission whose task was to investigate and report on the “series of terrorist attacks on Easter Sunday and to recommend necessary action based on the findings.” The Report comprises 472 pages, 215 annexures and 6 volumes. Other members of the Commission were Court of Appeal judge Nishshanka Bandula Karunaratne, retired Supreme Court judges Nihal Sunil Rajapaksha and A. L. Bandula Kumara Atapattu and the Justice Ministry’s former secretary W.M.M.R. Adhikari.

It is also relevant to record the answers he gave to questions posed when he appeared before the Commission of Inquiry appointed by him.

He responded to questions by Additional Solicitor General Ayesha Jinasena. Here is a brief account of what the former President said:

On the day of the Easter Sunday attacks, where were you?

I had gone to Singapore for a medical checkup. My Security Officer told me about reports of the attacks circulating on social media. Then I received a call from the Presidential Secretary Udaya R. Seneviratne who confirmed the attacks. Then I contacted former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, former Defence Secretary Hemasiri Fernando and former Police Chief Pujith Jayasundara, and instructed them to take necessary action.

What were your instructions?

I told them to act in a manner that does not incite the people and to arrest the suspected terrorists. I instructed them to deploy the military in addition to Police. I informed them that I was returning the next day and gave instructions to summon a meeting of the National Security Council. I reject this claim. It infringes on the unitary status of the country and legal action must be taken against anyone who makes such claims.

The former President said that due to the arrest of commanders and intelligence officers of the armed forces, the relevant sections showed a decline. He said the Police were brought under his purview in 2018. Thereafter he summoned senior police officers and held discussions. He said there were no reports about terrorism, but as soon as reports of extremist activities started to come in, he gave orders to arrest Zahran Hashim, who would ultimately go on to become the ringleader of the Easter Sunday attackers. The former President said the State Intelligence Service (SIS) and the Chief of Defence Staff were also present at the meeting attended by senior police officers. The objective of the meeting was to strengthen law and order and give priority to endnig extremism.

MAITHRI’S NEW CLAIMS

In a move that overturns all developments of the past, Maithripala Sirisena has now come up with a new claim to change history. He made this claim with only days to go for Easter Sunday today. Signs that he has made new findings were first hinted at during a visit to Kandy last Friday. At the end of his engagements, he spoke to both the electronic and print media. He said he has now learnt who was behind the Easter Sunday attacks. He still did not identify them. He would disclose them only before a court and insisted that he would seek extra protection for himself and his family due to the sensitivity of the information. It was clear that two people, functioning as his aides, were busy arranging for media interviews in Colombo for Sirisena in the week to follow. The idea was to publicise the explosive accounts.

However, the reportage from the remarks in Colombo saw pressure building on Public Security Minister Tiran Alles to take immediate action. There were sections that argued that former President Sirisena be arrested for withholding information which was a criminal offence. The Minister ordered the Criminal Investigation Department (through the Inspector General of Police) to record a statement from Sirisena. Important enough, the former President was summoned to the CID headquarters so his statement could be recorded. Other than the formalities, Police sources said, the material recorded lasted nearly five hours.

The Sunday Times has learnt that Sirisena has claimed that India was behind the Easter Sunday massacres. How does he know? He has claimed that an Indian diplomat whom he named has not only confessed to him about the attack but also the reason. It was because Sri Lanka has not been considerate in giving India any projects, say like for example, the Mattala Mahinda Rajapaksa International Airport and similar ventures. Does he have proof? He expects the government to investigate it. It appears that Sirisena has not appreciated the seriousness of the accusations he is making. Unless one is out of his mind, a diplomat of any country is not going to walk into a former President’s residence and claim ‘we were behind the Easter Sunday attacks.’ So, the question is did he build a story around after the diplomat visited him?

Former President Sirisena is one of the first in the government hierarchy to become aware that the first warning of an attack on Easter Sunday came from India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), their external intelligence agency. Why is he now making the accusation against India just ahead of Easter Sunday 2024 and that too despite the earlier warning? Sections at the highest levels of the government are probing whether a recently joined aide of Sirisena, described as a wheeler-dealer, was in any way connected with the accusations. The person concerned was earlier associated with former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and has been discontinued from all activity because of his bad conduct. He is still facing investigations. At the same time as Sirisena’s statement was being recorded by the CID, this aide had been with a Western ambassador at a Sri Lankan restaurant at lunch. Even before Sirisena concluded his statement, the diplomatic mission of that envoy had been telling his contacts that India was behind the Easter Sunday attacks. One is not sure whether it was one-upmanship or poking fun by the talkative envoy.

The Sirisena statement to the CID became the subject of discussion at the highest government levels. This is particularly in light of the national security implications. On the advice of the Attorney General, the CID filed a “B” report at the Maligakande Magistrate’s Court. The Court has now issued an order requesting Sirisena to appear on April 4 (Thursday) and make a statement. If he does, that will obviously bring into the open the accusations he has made to the CID. A more important outcome is that it will force a response from the Government of India. Not surprisingly, he may be called upon to prove his accusations.

Whether it was intended or otherwise, pointing the finger entirely at India changes, on the one hand, the entire dynamics. It is very well known that the attacks were carried out by Sri Lankan Muslims. Why should India pick only on one community in Sri Lanka to attack another? On the other, five years of findings where the IS has been implicated, make no sense. There is no doubt that besides these, Sirisena’s accusations have a strong bearing on the leadership of the present government. And that too with only months before a presidential election is to be held. Is there not a mischievous suggestion that the leadership has ignored what Sirisena tries to make out is a huge threat?

The fact that the Attorney General has initiated action in courts is a clear message that the issue over Sirisena’s remarks will not end. More so when the material facts enter the public domain. It also poses questions on other important matters. One such instance is the Supreme Court decision to impose a fine of Rs 100 million on Sirisena. That was after fundamental rights applications by those affected. The facts placed by them have been accepted by highest courts in the country.

Efforts by the Sunday Times to contact Sirisena for a response did not materialize. Several calls to his residence were answered at the switchboard by an operator. He said that Sirisena was “away and the news of the call would be passed over to him.”

A response on behalf of the Catholic Church came from Father Jude Krishantha, Director of the National Catholic Mass Communications. He told a news conference: “Former President Maithripala Sirisena cannot make a statement to the CID or Courts and say it should be held confidentially. If he now says that he knows the persons responsible for the attack, that would amount to misleading the courts. He was already fined Rs 100 million as he could not say who was responsible for the attack. We have doubts that he is making this statement to get some political advantage for him, for his party or making the statement in favour of another party. We wish to tell him don’t try to gain an election victory over the bodies of those who died in the Easter Sunday attack.”

Whether Sirisena has painted himself into a corner with the recent remarks will become clearer in the coming weeks and days.

Timeline of the April 21 Easter Sunday terror

A
chronology of how the Easter Sunday carnage took place, reported earlier by the Sunday Times, is being reproduced to give an idea of how the massacre unfolded and those who were involved.

St. Sebastian Church, Katuwapitiya (near Negombo): 8.25 a.m. Mohamed Cassim Mohamed Zeini (brother of Zahran Cassim, leader National Thowheed Jamath (NTJ) terror group) exploded a suicide bomb.

St Anthony’s Church, Kochchikade: 8.45 a.m. Alaudeen Ahmed Muath of the Jamathul Millathu Ibrahim (JMI) exploded a bomb.

Zion Church, Batticaloa: 9.05 a.m. Mohamed Cassim Mohamed Rilwan (also a brother of Zahran Cassim) exploded a suicide bomb. He is known to be a member of the National Thowheed Jamaath (NTJ).

Cinnamon Grand Hotel: Between 9.15 and 9.20 a.m. Mohamed Ibrahim Insaf Ibrahim (Brother of Ilham), suspected of being a JMI member, exploded a suicide bomb.

Shangri La Hotel: Between 9.15 and 9.20 a.m. Mohamed Cassim Mohamed Zahran (Zahran Moulavi) and Ilham Mohamed Ilham Ibrahim carried out suicide bomb attacks. This was an NTJ and JMI joint exercise.

Kingsbury Hotel: 9.15 to 9.20 a.m. Mohamed Azam Mohamed Mubarak of the NTJ exploded a bomb.

New Tropical Inn, Dehiwala: 2.00 p.m. Jamil Mohamed Abdul Latheef was the bomber. There is strong intelligence to confirm he made a failed bid to join the ISIS in 2016.

Mahawela Housing Scheme, Dematagoda: 2.15 p.m. Fathima Jiffry (Wife of Ilham) exploded herself. Two more females and two children were killed in the bomb explosion.

Investigations have revealed that the Taj Samudra Hotel was also a target – a fact which debunks claims that the attackers avoided Indian hotels. Jameel Mohamed Abdul Latheef, it has come to light, wore a suicide jacket to be exploded there. However, the triggering mechanism had malfunctioned. He was then returning to the New Tropical Inn at Dehiwala. He had wanted to stop at St Mary’s Church there. When he alighted from a vehicle, he had found that there were Police personnel standing by. They had been deployed after those at the church complained of the loss of money from the till the previous day. He had then gone to the Inn. Investigators believe his attempts to remove the suicide bomb triggered an explosion. That killed him as well as a couple who were at the next room.

Investigators have confirmed that the explosive used by the terrorists was Triacetone Triperoxide or TATP – the same material used in terrorist bombing attacks mounted by ISIS and Al-Qaeda. The white crystal powder (TATP), reports say, has been referred to as “Mother of Satan” by terrorist organisations which have used it in deadly attacks around the world.

The most important question that begs answer in the near simultaneous attacks in different locations is over the time taken to mount surveillance, make plans and execute them. It also requires a large team. Such a process would have taken several months and despite claims of awareness by intelligence agencies, none of them was in the know that such plans were underway. Intelligence estimates place the suicide cadre strength at around 170, a larger number. In predominantly Muslim Malaysia, the strength is said to be 400 whilst in Libya it was 600.

In addition, at least five foreign trained cadres have been assigned to each suicide cadre. That included an electronics expert, a chemical expert and a bomb maker. Though how large stocks of explosives were smuggled to Sri Lanka is yet to be conclusively established, it is believed that they were smuggled in through the Mannar coast. It is believed that, in the Mannar area, several influential persons have helped in this exercise, often talking to the Police when arrests or inquiries are made. They have also provided assistance to family members of Insaf (one of the bombers of Shangri La Hotel) in business-related matters even granting exclusivity for export of copper.

Investigators have found that the Easter Sunday’s massacres were linked with the three-day long incidents that occurred in Mawanella area from December 23 last year. Buddhist shrines and Buddha statues were damaged in four different places in Mawanella – Randiwela Junction, Miriskudu Handiya, Hingula (on the Colombo-Kandy Road) and Lindulawatte in the Pahala Kadugannawa region. This was after Zahran and another had preached hate and exhorted those who attended Friday’s Jumma prayers to attack Buddha statues in temples and cross signs in churches.

Villagers apprehended one of two attackers in one instance. On questioning him six more suspects were arrested. They are now in remand custody facing charges in courts. It was revealed that they were members of an extremist Islamic group and were being trained to carry out violent attacks against those of other faiths too. The Mawanella group had been led by two brothers identified as Siddiq Abdulla and Shahid Abdul Haq. Both are now missing. Their father, Fazir Mohamed Ibrahim, was later arrested and is now in remand.

Police have found that Fazir Mohamed Ibrahim has been working for an unidentified organisation with links to the ISIS. This was in the eastern Muslim town of Kalmunai. It had come under Cassim Mohamed Zahran who was giving leadership to spread extremist Islamic ideology in Sri Lanka. They had cells in Mawanella, Anuradhapura, Trincomalee, Polonnaruwa and Puttalam. Police then received reports that Zahran was hiding in Kalmunai. A search then proved futile.

Police thereafter raided the house of the two brothers Abdulla and Haq in Hingula on the Colombo-Kandy road. There they found the receipt for the purchase of an air rifle used to teach recruits on firing. It was handed over to CID detectives who took over the probe. They arrested seven suspects and interrogated them. This led detectives to find 150 kilogrammes of explosives and 100 detonators in a coconut estate at Wanathavillu in Puttalam. Further investigations then established that Zahran was the leader of the National Thowheed Jamaath (NTJ)

With serious doubts and concerns raised on whether an election will be held this year and if so, whether a General Election or Presidential Election should be held first, President Ranil Wickremesinghe told his Cabinet of Ministers when they met earlier in the week that the Government is not in a position to jeopardise the ongoing IMF programme by holding an election before the programme concludes. His announcement comes after a lengthy discussion held with the Shadow Cabinet that met a few hours before the Cabinet meeting.

When the Shadow Cabinet met, some MPs raised concerns about the deliberations by various parties on holding the Parliamentary Election before the Presidential Polls.

“We can’t risk the IMF programme by holding elections. According to our projection, it will only conclude by the end of July. Therefore, I am not in a position to hold any election before August,” he said.

President Wickremesinghe also informed the same to the Cabinet. He also said that by law the Elections Commission is empowered to declare a Presidential Election any time after July. “Therefore, the Presidential Election will be held first and all other elections can follow,” he added.

Sections of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) have called for a General Election to be held first. Meanwhile, a young SLPP MP with a powerful surname has supposedly expressed confidence in garnering a two-thirds majority in passing a resolution in Parliament calling the President to dissolve Parliament and go for a General Election.

Basil replaced

The ruling SLPP, on Wednesday (27), replaced its National Organiser Basil Rajapaksa with Hambantota District MP Namal Rajapaksa.

This decision was made at an executive committee meeting of the SLPP at former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s official residence at Wijerama Mawatha in Colombo.

Meanwhile, political sources claimed the majority of the SLPP MPs and Ministers were quite surprised by the move.

“Both Basil and Chamal Rajapaksa thought that the National Organiser post should be given to a party senior who is not part of the Rajapaksa family. Two names were proposed and those were Minister Prasanna Ranatunga and MP Rohitha Abeygunawardena. But, Ranatunga refused it as he needed to work with other parties as the Chief Government Whip. Therefore, Rohitha would have been appointed,” a party senior said.

The division in the party on fielding a separate presidential candidate instead of backing the incumbent President’s candidacy is expected to deepen with the latest developments.

Minister Prasanna Ranatunga, speaking to journalists at the SLPP office at Nelum Mawatha, said holding the Presidential Election would be more beneficial than a Parliamentary Poll, stressing the need for a stable Government to steer Sri Lanka out of its current challenges.

He also expressed uncertainty about the availability of suitable candidates for the presidential candidacy within the SLPP at this time.

“My stance is that we need to go for a Presidential Election first and Ranil Wickremesinghe, who can take up the challenges and who revived the economy, should win. We need to make decisions for the sake of the country. The country is first. The party is second. If we think of the country, we need to go for a Presidential Election and allow the person who wins to form a government without going for a Parliamentary Election and forming an unstable government. The SLPP must work for Ranil Wickremesinghe and if he wins the election, he should be allowed to form a government. If anyone else wins, he should be allowed to form a government. Then the country will not run into anarchy,” he said.

Ranatunga expressed his preference for SLPP founder Basil Rajapaksa to serve as the National Organiser within the party, citing his experience and track record in managing difficult situations, whilst congratulating Namal Rajapaksa on the appointment as the National Organiser stating that he should be allowed to prove his capabilities in the new role.

Ranatunga said Namal Rajapaksa can contest for the Presidency only in another five to ten years.

Sirisena in a soup

Former President Maithripala Sirisena provided a near six-hour statement to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) on Monday (25), over his recent remark that he is aware of the ‘real perpetrators’ of the 2019 Easter Sunday terror attacks.

Sirisena arrived at the CID Headquarters at 10:30 a.m.

Public Security Minister Tiran Alles had directed the IGP to promptly investigate statements made by the former President in Kandy, where he claimed knowledge of individuals linked to the Easter Sunday carnage.

Sirisena, on Friday (22), claimed to know the “true mastermind” behind the attacks and expressed willingness to disclose this information to the Judiciary if prompted. However, these assertions have been met with scepticism and condemnation from various parties.

However, on Saturday (23), Sirisena issued a clarification and claimed that his statement on 22 March was based on information he received three weeks ago regarding the Easter Attacks. The former President once again said he is prepared to testify confidentially if ordered by a Court, emphasising his intention to provide a confidential statement, citing concerns for his safety and that of his family if he were to testify in open Court. “This is not merely a matter of political implications. I am making a very sincere statement,” he said.

Members of the Opposition, including Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) MPs Mano Ganesan and Kavinda Jayawardene, called for Sirisena’s prompt arrest and interrogation. National People’s Power (NPP) MP Vijitha Herath also criticised Sirisena’s statement, urging the Government to launch an immediate and comprehensive probe.

Police Spokesman, DIG Nihal Thalduwa said investigations have been initiated by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) following the controversial statement, made by former President Maithripala Sirisena, on the 2019 Easter Sunday terror attacks.

Speaking to the media, Thalduwa said investigations have commenced, based on the details provided by Sirisena during his interrogation, regarding his revelation to the media that he possesses knowledge about the perpetrators of the Easter Attacks.

He affirmed that as the investigations progress, the guidance of the Attorney General will be sought and further action will be taken accordingly, adhering to legal counsel.

Further, DIG Thalduwa emphasised that disclosing the specifics of Sirisena’s statement to the media cannot be done at present and a report is to be submitted to Court regarding this matter.

Meanwhile, Maligakanda Magistrate Lochana Abeywickrama ordered former President Sirisena to provide a statement to the Court regarding his recent statements on the 2019 Easter Sunday terror attacks.

Dinesh in China

Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena, presently on a State visit to China, met Chinese President Xi Jinping on Wednesday (27).

The discussion, held at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, underscored the commitment of both leaders to uphold principles of friendship, peace, mutual respect and non-interference in internal affairs, as outlined in the fivefold principle governing international relations.

Both leaders emphasised the importance of bilateral relations grounded in mutual respect and productivity, believing that adherence to such principles would serve as a positive example for both nations.

President Xi reiterated China’s unwavering support for

Sri Lanka’s political and socioeconomic progress, reaffirming China’s commitment to safeguarding the independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Sri Lanka.

Expressing gratitude for the historical support from Prime Minister Gunawardena’s family lineage, President Xi acknowledged the desire of Sri Lankan political parties, including the Prime Minister’s, to enhance cooperation with the Chinese Communist Party.

In response, Prime Minister Gunawardena expressed appreciation for China’s assistance during Sri Lanka’s recent economic challenges and for providing debt restructuring facilities. He also provided updates on the progress made in implementing decisions made during President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s previous visit to China.

Additionally, the Prime Minister extended gratitude to President Xi for China’s support across various sectors including education, agriculture, health, technology, culture and religion.

The Institute for Health Policy’s (IHP) Sri Lanka Opinion Tracker Survey (SLOTS) MRP provisional estimates of presidential election voting intent in February 2024 show no real changes compared to January. NPP/JVP leader A.K. Dissanayake continues to lead with the support of 53% of all adults followed by SJB leader Sajith Premadasa on 34%, President Ranil Wickremesinghe at 6% (-2) and a generic SLPP candidate at 7% (-1).

These estimates are based on the January 2024 revision of the IHP SLOTS Multilevel Regression and Poststratification (MRP) model. The update is for all adults and uses data from 16,248 interviews conducted from October 2021 to 24 March 2024 including 575 interviews during February 2024. Margins of error are assessed as 1-3% for February.

IHP’s SLOTS MRP methodology first estimates the relationship between a wide variety of characteristics about respondents and their opinions, in this case, “If there was a Presidential Election today, who would you vote for?” in a multilevel statistical model. It then uses a large data file that is calibrated to the national population to predict voting intent in each month since October 2021 according to what the multilevel model says about their probability of voting for various parties (‘post-stratification’) at each point in time.

SLOTS combines interviews from a national sample of adults (ages 18 and over) reached by random digit dialling of mobile numbers, and others coming from a national panel of respondents who were previously recruited through random selection. IHP estimates voting intent using an adaptation of Multilevel Regression and Post-Stratification (MRP), with multiple imputation to account for uncertainties in its modelling, exploiting data from all SLOTS interviews to estimate voting in a particular month.

The February 2024 MRP estimates are based on 16,248 interviews conducted from 1 October 2021-24 March 2024 including 575 interviews conducted in February 2024. All estimates are adjusted to ensure the sample matches the national population with respect to age, sex, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, education, geographical location and voting in the 2019 presidential and 2020 general elections.

An agreement has been made to establish a strong relationship between Shanghai in China, which is ranked first among the world’s port cities, and the cities of Colombo and Hambantota in Sri Lanka, which have been planned to be developed as a maritime hub in the East and West shipping routes in the future.

The agreement was made during Sri Lankan Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena’s discussion with the Mayor of Shanghai, Gong Seng in Shanghai, China today (Mar 29).

According to the PM’s Office, Prime Minister Gunawardena pointed out that a long time has passed since the Sister City Agreement between Colombo and Shanghai was signed.

The Prime Minister also pointed out that further work can be carried out under this agreement, which was signed when his brother Prasanna Gunawardena was holding the post of Mayor.

It was emphasised that the city of Shanghai, which has handled 49.5 million containers in terms of cargo transportation, last year ranked first in cargo transportation in the world and there are many lessons that can be learnt by Sri Lanka in the said sector.

The Mayor of Shanghai assured that the city of Shanghai, which has an annual production income of 4.72 trillion Yuan and is also a first-class business centre and a centre for financial transactions in the world, will share their experiences with Sri Lanka.

PM Gunawardena pointed out that huge lessons can also be learnt by Sri Lanka from the progress made in the planned urban development of the city of Shanghai, which has a population of 25 million people.

The Mayor of Shanghai expressed his agreement to support Sri Lanka in each of those fields and invited the officials of those fields to visit Shanghai and study the said fields.

The interest of the Chinese people to travel in Sri Lanka, which has many UNESCO heritage sites, has increased, and it was also agreed to explore the possibility of increasing the flights between Colombo and Shanghai.

A group including State Ministers Shehan Samesinhe, Ashoka Priyantha, and Secretary to the Prime Minister Anura Dissanayake participated in the discussion.

The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (Peoples Liberation Front) led Jathika Jana Balawegaya ( National People’s Power is a left-leaning, working class-oriented broad front consisting of the JVP and 27 other organisations. These entities comprise small parties, trade unions, rights groups, Women, student and youth organisations.

The JVP is the pivotal, pre-eminent force in the NPP. The JVP as well as the NPP are led by Anura Kumara Dissanayake MP. A.K. Dissanayake is perceived as a front runner in the forthcoming Presidential race.

AK Dissanayake contested the 2019 Presidential elections and finished a poor third with 418,553 votes (3.16%). At the 2020 Parliamentary polls, the JVP-led NPP contesting under the compass symbol got only three MPs comprising two elected and one appointed from the national list .

Given this poor electoral performance in 2019 and 2020, few would have expected the JVP/NPP to be a potential “winner” in the 2024 Presidential elections. However the political climate seems to have changed in favour of the compass now. Apart from well-attended mass- meetings and political rallies, several political surveys and opinion polls seemingly indicate that the JVP/NPP may be riding the crest of a wave similar to Latin America’s ‘pink tide’.

As a result the JVP/NPP is on a roll these days. The leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake has undertaken trips to Countries like the USA, Australia and India amid much fanfare. His latest overseas trip was to Canada where he met Sri Lankans in Toronto and Vancouver. Other JVP leaders have been visiting European countries like the UK, France,Italy, Germany and the Netherlands in the recent past.

The Crimson Comrades have been the targets of jokes and jibes due to their overseas trips. It has been pointed out that notwithstanding their leftist credentials,the JVP stalwarts have all been visiting Capitalist, Western nations and not socialist countries.

However the JVP visits to these western countries were undertaken with the objective of meeting and interacting with sections of the Sri Lankan Diaspora. Most of these meetings were well attended by large numbers of Sinhalese people in these countries. Though Diplomats stationed in Colombo have held “official” meetings with the JVP leaders, the foreign visits have been ”unofficial”.These visits were essentially people -oriented trips and not officially accredited visits with the exception of India.

Visit to India

In February this year, Anura Kumara Dissanayake led a JVP/NPP four member delegation on a five day (Feb 5-9) visit to India. Other members of the delegation to India comprised JVP senior MP Vijitha Herath, NPP Secretary Nihal Abeysinghe and executive committee member Prof Anil Jayantha.

This was the first time that a JVP delegation visited India on an official invitation from an Indian Govt. The JVP met several leaders and officials during their visits to the Indian capital – New Delhi, Gujerat state capital – Ahmedabad and Kerala state capital – Thiruvananthapuram. Among the important persons they met were Indian Foreign minister Dr. S.Jaishankar, National Security adviser Ajit Doval and Foreign secretary Vinay Mohan Kwatra.

The JVP/NPP’s Indian visit has evoked much controversy across the country. Though several weeks have passed since the trip took place. the discussions and debates have not ended yet. A key feature in many of the responses is the comparing and contrasting of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna(JVP) past hard line regarding India and its current soft line towards our big neighbour.

A point highlighted frequently in this regard is the “mismatch” between JVP past and JVP present. The JVP has from its inception been rooted in anti-Indianism. In simplistic terms the JVP is perceived as an Anti-Indian , pro-China , political entity. The JVP opposed the India -Sri Lanka accord of 29 July 1987 and conducted a violent anti – Indian campaign for three years from 1987 to 1989.

Viewed against that backdrop the recent visit suggests a thaw in JVP -India relations. Many voices are questioning as to how the JVP which conducted a violent campaign against India and its army known as the IPKF (Indian Peace Keeping Force) in the past could now cosy up to India. It is indeed amusing to see this ranting and railing by Sri Lankan actors in a situation where New Delhi seems ready to let by gones be bygones.

This positive change in relations between the JVP and India is of great political significance. In the JVP’s case , New Delhi’s approval has given it a veneer of political respectability. In the case of India, a fresh line of communication has been opened with a political party of great future potential in Sri Lanka. As to whether this relationship would be of mutual benefit in the future is a question that cannot be answered at this point of time. There are however some other questions that could be responded to at this juncture.

War Against India

One of the questions that I am being frequently asked in the aftermath of the JVP Indian trip is about the war fought by the JVP against India. Many readers especially the younger ones want to know more about the military conflict between the JVP’s military arm the Deshapremi Janatha Vyaparaya(DJV) or Patriotic People’s Movement and the Indian Army described as the Indian Peace Keeping Force(IPKF).It appears that many are not fully aware of what happened then. This week’s article therefore would briefly outline the JVP-IPKF conflict relying to some extent on my previous writings.

The Sri Lankan ethnic crisis had escalated over the years into a brutal armed conflict. The Rajiv-JR accord was signed with the laudable objective of bringing peace to Sri Lanka by ending the war between the Sri Lankan armed forces and armed Tamil militant groups.

Indo-Lanka Accord

The India – Sri Lanka Accord was signed by former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and ex-Sri Lanka president Junius Richard (JR) Jayewardene on July 29, 1987 in Colombo. The pact is known generally as the Indo-Lanka Accord.A ceasefire was declared and Indian army personnel with the nomenclature of Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) were stationed in the Northern and Eastern provinces of the Island to maintain peace.

Instead of ushering in a durable peace as expected , the Indo-Lanka accord paved the way for more violence and bloodshed. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) led by its supremo Veluppillai Prabhakaran refused to accept the accord and went back to war. Soon a full-fledged guerrilla war was waged by the LTTE against the IPKF in the North and East.

Meanwhile the national socialist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) led by Rohana Wijeweera also opposed the Indo-Lanka accord and engaged in armed resistance in the predominantly Sinhala areas. The JVP that had been unjustly proscribed in 1983 by the JR govt after “Black July had resorted to anti-state violence even before the Indo-Lanka accord.

The Indo -Lanka accord and presence of Indian soldiers in the Island provided the JVP an opportunity to resort to patriotism in its anti-state activity. The JVP had in 1971 launched an armed insurrection when the United Front Government of Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike was in power. It was cruelly and brutally crushed with the aid of several countries. This is commonly referred to as the first JVP insurgency.

The second JVP insurgency was against the United National Party(UNP )Governments of President JR Jayewardene and his successor President Ranasinghe Premadasa. It began in 1987 when JR was President and ended in 1989 /90 under President Premadasa.

Second JVP Insurgency

The second JVP insurgency lasting for more than three years resulted in thousands of people being brutally killed by both the JVP as well as the counter insurgency forces comprising Police, paramilitary and security personnel. Tens of thousands of Sinhala youth were massacred by agents of the state. While no reliable estimates are available of the number of killings done by security personnel and other agents of the state, there are official figures of the killings done by the JVP.

During this three-year period, 487 public servants, 342 policemen, 209 security personnel, 16 political leaders, and 4,945 civilians of other descriptions were said to have been killed by the JVP. This tally included 30 Buddhist monks, two Catholic priests, 52 school principals, four medical doctors, 18 estate superintendents and 27 trade unionists. It also includes family members of 93 policemen and 69 servicemen.

There is a widespread belief held by many that the JVP campaign against India in 1987-1989 was twisted in the sense that the “Rathu Sahodarayo” killed people in the South as perceived collaborators of the Indian “invasion” and urged boycotts of Indian products including “Mysore Parippu” and “Bombay Onions” but never ever took on the Indian army directly. The JVP is often mocked for this as cowards who could only kill unarmed people in the South while not daring to lift a finger against the armed Indian soldiers in the North and East.

While this accusation is correct to a very great extent, there was however a notable exception. This was in Trincomalee District where the JVP engaged in armed action against the Indian army and even drew blood in a few instances.

When the JVP launched its second insurgency in 1987,it had very little membership in the pre-dominantly Tamil and Muslim regions of the Northern and Eastern provinces. As such most of its armed activity was in the Sinhala majority seven provinces.

Deshapremi Janatha Vyaparaya

The JVP’s anti-Indian military wing was named “Deshapremi Janatha Vyaparaya” (DJV) or Patriotic People’s Movement). The emphasis on patriotism or love of the country was to mobilise people’s support on those lines. A sense of history was invoked by the nom de guerre adopted by the DJV commander. It was Keerthi Wijebahu.

It was Prince Keerthi who fought against the Chozha Monarchs, Raja Rajan and Rajendran in the 10th Century. The Ruhuna Prince eventually succeeded in evicting the Chola conquerors from Polonnaruwa and crowned himself as Wijebahu. The DJV Commander Keerthi Wijebahu was Saman Piyasiri Fernando. This native of Lunawa in Moratuwa was a Kelaniya University graduate.

Kumar Gunaratnam

DJV leader Keerthi Wijebahu appointed a new area leader for Trincomalee who re-vitalised the JVP militarily in the district. This was none other than Premakumar Gunaratnam the current leader and General Secretary of the “Peratugami Samajavadi Pakshaya” (Frontline Socialist Party). As is well known the FSP was formed by a breakaway faction from the JVP.

In 1989 Kumar Gunaratnam operating under the nom de guerre “Gemunu” led the JVP/DJV against the Indian army in the Trincomalee District.Under his command, , the DJV-JVP in Trinco accomplished a few military strikes against the Indian Army but these incidents did not gain much publicity due to the concerted efforts of the Sri Lankan and Indian authorities to deliberately suppress information. They did not want the JVP to gain publicity and political credit through these operations. Besides most incidents of that nature in Trincomalee were believed to have been committed by the Tigers then.Although the mass media of the day did not publicised this phase, there is some important material available in books, monographs and research papers.

Ranjithan Gunaratnam

Kumar and elder brother Ranjithan Gunaratnam were in the vanguard of the JVP in the eighties of the 20th century. They were among five children born to Aadhimoolampillai and Valliamma Rajamany Gunaratnam. The father was a Jaffna Tamil and the mother was an Up Country Tamil of Indian origin. The family lived in Anguruwella, Kegalle.

Both Ranjithan and Kumar studied in the Sinhala medium and entered the Peradeniya University Engineering Faculty in different years. Both got immersed in Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) politics and as a result, had to drop out of undergraduate studies at different times.

Ranjithan was captured by the Sri Lankan security forces in January 1990. He was tortured and interrogated while in custody. Later he was summarily executed by a paramilitary death squad aligned with the state. His body was disposed of. Ranjithan Gunaratnam is classified among the “missing” still. He was born in 1960 and was 30 years old at the time of his death.

Pallekele Arsenal

Younger brother Kumar who joined the JVP against the wishes of his elder brother was appointed field commander of the JVP unit that seized the arsenal at the Pallekele army camp. This was on April 14, 1987. Kumar went underground and was arrested within six weeks on May 23, 1987, at Galagedara.

Kumar Gunaratnam was later taken to Colombo and detained at the Magazine Prison under the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) as Detenue No D3301. He along with seven others were indicted at the Colombo High Court in 1988 (case No 3591/88) for the Pallekelle armed robbery.

While in Magazine Prison Kumar began conducting political classes for the JVP suspects in custody. He was transferred to the Bogambara Prison in Kandy. There in Bogambara, he and another JVP Central Committee member, “Ragama Somay” devised a plan to escape. This included the digging of a secret tunnel as in the case of the film classic “The Great Escape”. On December 13, 1988, they put the plan into action and broke out of Bogambara Jail. Consequently, an open warrant was issued for the arrest of Kumar Gunaratnam.

Trincomalee

After escaping, Kumar established contact with the JVP hierarchy. Kumar was issued new directives by the JVP leadership. He was appointed secretary of the JVP District Committee in Trincomalee and elevated to the Central Committee. He was also assigned the nom de guerre “Gemunu” and instructed to conduct a military campaign against the Indian forces under the aegis of the “Deshapremi Janatha Vyaparaya

Trincomalee was the only district under Indian army control in which the JVP was functioning. It had about 15 to 20 active cadres in Trinco.When Kumar alias Gemunu took up Command in Trinco in Feb 1989 the JVP had in its possession a small quantity of weapons and explosives.

Being explicitly instructed by the JVP hierarchy to confront the Indian army directly, “Gemunu” of the Deshapremi Janatha Vyaparaya began aiming at the Indian army convoys and vehicles as targets. He was lucky because an army deserter codenamed “Sarath Kule” teamed up with the JVP. He had quit the army after the Indian air drop of June 4, 1987.

Sarath Kule had some training in explosives and could set up landmines. Since Kumar too had an engineering background the two together were able to engage in explosive attacks.

93rd Milepost

The JVP picked the 93rd milepost area on the Kandy-Trincomalee road near Kantale/Kanthalai as the ideal location for a landmine attack. So Sarath Kule and Gemunu set up two landmines in close proximity. Instead of a convoy only a truck and jeep arrived. When the landmines were set off only one exploded and hit the truck. The jeep braked and then reversed rapidly.The soldiers in the truck started firing wildly and running. In the melee, the JVP cadres led by Gemunu managed to retrieve an LMG and SMG and escape into the jungle without injury.

It was after this attack that the Indian security forces realised that the JVP too was now confronting them directly. Some sections of the Sri Lankan security forces were excited by this development. Several security personnel began contacting the JVP, encouraging them to launch attacks against the Indian army and pledging clandestine cooperation.

Accordingly, Gemunu and Sarath Kule took the bold step of entering Trincomalee town and placing a landmine in the dockyard area. They were aided and abetted by Naval personnel. An Indian army truck was targeted but the landmine went off prematurely near the jetty. Both men escaped from the area with the help of sailors.

The JVP high command instructed Gemunu that attacks on the Indian army should be intensified in July to denote the second anniversary of the signing of the Indo-Lanka Accord on July 29.With July 29 fast approaching the JVP Trinco commander Gemunu wanted to make a decisive impact through a major attack.

Mullippothanai Ambush

The opportunity came on July 25, 1989. On that day the JVP launched an ambush in Mullippothanai, a Tamil village to the west of Thambalakamam/Thambalagamuwa.An Indian army truck was hit by a JVP landmine. The JVP cadres then surrounded the vehicle and started firing. Fourteen Indian Jawans were killed and three injured. The JVP made off with the seized firearms. It was a big success for the JVP and sent alarm bells ringing in Colombo corridors of power.

Research and Analysis Wing

What commander Gemunu of the JVP did not know then was that sections of the JVP through initiatives of the Indian espionage agency, Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) had set up a back channel of communication with Indian officials. The Indian Deputy High Commissioner at the time, Nirupam Sen had encouraged such a liaison with the JVP and other southern leftist entities. Sen was to be High Commissioner in Colombo years later.

The then Indian High Commissioner Jyotindra Nath Dixit dubbed in those days as the viceroy of Sri Lanka, had himself re-organised the Colombo mission’s structure after the Indo–Lanka Accord.

Two political secretaries had been appointed with Dr. S. Jaishankar, a Tamil Brahmin looking after the North and East and Gurjeet Singh, a Punjabi Sikh overseeing the other seven provinces. First Secretary Joseph Thariyal, a Keralite Christian, was the RAW point man at the Indian High Commission. Incidentally, Dr. Jaishankar is now the Indian Foreign Minister.

The line of communication to some JVP elements was allegedly maintained by the trio of Nirupam Sen, Gurjeet Singh and Joseph Thariyal. When the JVP under Kumar Gunaratnam struck forcefully on July 25, the Indian officials were shocked and angry. The JVP elements in contact with the Indians had to tender an apology for the incident to Nirupam Sen and promise that it would not happen again.

Gunaratnam/Gemunu

An urgent message was sent to Gunaratnam/Gemunu to suspend attacks against the Indian army. A lull set in thereafter in direct JVP operations against the Indian Army. Gemunu was thoroughly disappointed at this turn of events but continued to strengthen the JVP in Trincomalee until he was arrested on 24 September 1989 in Paalampoattaaru or Monkey Bridge.

This then is the brief tale of the JVP/DJV war against India in 1989. In an interesting twist, Kumar Gunaratnam who commanded the JVP in Trinco under the Nom de Guerre “Gemunu:is today the Leader of the FSP.

D.B.S.Jeyaraj can be reached at dbsjeyaraj@yahoo.com

This article appears Under a different heading in the “Political Pulse”Column of the “Daily FT’dated 27 March 2024.

Amidst growing pressure to amend its travel advice to Sri Lanka which was deemed “overly harsh”, the United Kingdom (UK) has defended its decision and said it would continue to keep the island nation’s travel advise under close review.

UK’s Minister of State for the Middle East, South Asia, Commonwealth Lord Tariq Ahmad of Wimbledon made this remark in the UK Parliament responding to a question raised on plans to update the travel advice to Sri Lanka to reflect the security situation in the country.

He defended the move, saying that the safety of British people is the main factor when determining UK’s travel advice for all countries, including Sri Lanka.

“Our advice is designed to help British people make informed decisions about foreign travel and remains under constant review to ensure it reflects our latest assessment of risks when travelling abroad.

“Our travel advice is based on objective assessments of the risks to British nationals. These assessments are made by drawing on expert sources of information available to the government including local knowledge from our embassies and information provided by the local authorities in each country.”

Earlier this year, leading tourism providers including the Experience Travel Group published an open letter with 35 signatories calling for FCDO advice on Sri Lanka to be amended.

It criticized the mentioning of fuel and food shortages in the country dating back to the 2022 political unrest and continued references to the 2019 terrorist attacks and said the UK the government was “systematically undermining the travel industry” in Sri Lanka.