Take necessary steps to address Tamil aspirations, India urges Sri Lanka

India on Friday called upon Sri Lanka to take “necessary steps” to address the “legitimate aspirations” of the Tamil community, while reiterating its earlier stance that it is in Sri Lanka’s “own interest that the expectations of Tamils in Sri Lanka for equality, justice, peace and dignity, within a united Sri Lanka, are fulfilled”.

Delivering a statement in the interactive dialogue segment on the U.N. Human Rights chief’s latest report on Sri Lanka, Ambassador Indramani Pandey, Permanent Representative of India told the Human Rights Council in Geneva that, “As its friend and immediate neighbour, India has consistently called upon Sri Lanka to fulfil its commitments on addressing the issues related to protecting the interest of Tamils in Sri Lanka.” While making a similar intervention last year, India abstained from voting on the resolution on Sri Lanka. There is no resolution or vote on Sri Lanka this year.

Calling for continued engagement by the Government of Sri Lanka with the international community, India on Friday noted that High Commissioner Michelle Bachelet’s recent report raises “important concerns” on promoting, reconciliation, accountability and human rights in Sri Lanka.

The written report, among other observations, highlighted “setbacks to accountability for past human rights violations and the recognition of victims’ rights”, and the failure of transitional justice mechanisms to win the confidence of victims affected by the civil war that ended in 2009.

In her statement to the Council on Friday, Ms. Bachelet said, “Regrettably, the past year has also seen further obstruction and setbacks to accountability. Victims and their families continue to be denied truth and justice.”

“Two years after the expression of commitments to pursue an “inclusive, domestically designed and executed reconciliation and accountability process” before this Council, the Government has still not produced a credible roadmap on transitional justice towards accountability and reconciliation,” the High Commissioner noted, adding that “as long as impunity prevails, Sri Lanka will not achieve genuine reconciliation and sustainable peace”.

Tamil concerns

India’s statement in response focussed on long-pending concerns of Tamils and the need for power devolution. “We call upon Sri Lanka to take the necessary steps to address the legitimate aspirations of the Tamil community, including by carrying forward the process of reconciliation and the implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution of Sri Lanka, to ensure that the fundamental freedoms and human rights of all its citizens are fully protected,” Ambassador Pandey said. India would “continue to urge” the Sri Lankan Government for the early conduct of elections to the Provincial Councils in keeping with its commitment to devolution of power, he said.

What is the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution, and why is it contentious?

The five-year terms of all nine Provincial Councils in Sri Lanka expired in 2018 and 2019. There is no official word on provincial polls from the Government, which is cash-strapped and growing increasingly unpopular in the wake of an unprecedented economic crisis, reflecting in fuel shortage and prolonged power cuts.

Thrust on 13 A and provincial polls

India’s emphasis on the 13th Amendment, which followed the Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987 and assured a measure of devolution, comes weeks after senior Tamil parliamentarians wrote to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, seeking his intervention in securing a durable political solution for Sri Lanka’s historic Tamil question.

Significantly, the signatories to the letter pointed to limits of the 13th Amendment, especially within a Unitary Constitution, and underscored their commitment to a political solution that goes beyond the Amendment, and is based on a federal structure that recognises Tamils’ “right to self-determination”.

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No more Chinese loans?

The Government of China is seriously considering refraining from granting any more loans to Sri Lanka, informed sources revealed.

A high level group of Chinese Government officials, who are currently in Colombo, had reportedly conveyed this decision to a few top officials in the Government.

It is stated that Beijing had decided to abstain from granting loans or aid to Colombo due to two reasons. One of the main issues is said to be the problems that had cropped up in connection with the construction of the third phase of the Central Highway.

The second reason is the controversial Chinese fertiliser vessel that had been sent back from Colombo after its arrival here. It is reported that China had granted loans to Sri Lanka amounting to US$ 16 billion.

Tamil Political Parties in Sri Lanka Jointly Call for Referendum for Permanent Political Solution to the Ethnic Conflict

Five main Tamil political parties from Sri Lanka have jointly wrote a letter to UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet calling for “Referendum as the only way to bring permanent political solution to the ethnic conflict, thereby stopping mass atrocities against the Tamil people.”

“We would like to point out that repeated mass killings of Tamils amounting to genocide is due to lack of permanent political solution to the protracted ethic conflict in Sri Lanka. We strongly feel that an internationally conducted and monitored referendum is the only way to bring permanent political solution to the ethnic conflict, thereby stopping mass atrocities against the Tamil people.” said the letter.

The letter appreciated High Commissioner’s Report to the UN Human Rights Council on Jan 12, 2021 referring to accountability as:
“Member states have a number of options to advance criminal accountability and provide measures of redress for victims. In addition to taking steps towards the referral of the situation in Sri Lanka to the International Criminal Court….”

In addition to calling for Referendum, the letter also appealed the High Commissioner to:
“take decisive steps to stop government sponsored Sinhala – Buddhist settlements in Tamil areas, to stop demarcation of divisional boundaries to incorporate Sinhala – Buddhist areas into Tamil districts and to reduce the overwhelming Sri Lankan military presence in Tamil areas even after the war ended over twelve years ago.”

The letter also highlighted the continued abuses faced by the Tamil people as:
* Suffering Tamil women continue to face numerous challenges in their life since the war ended. International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP) in February 2017 handed over details to UN of Sri Lankan Military run “Rape Camps”, where Tamil women are being held as “sex slaves”.
* According to UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office report in April 2013, there are over 90 thousand Tamil war widows in the North and East of Sri Lanka.
* Thousands of Tamils had disappeared, including babies and children. UN Working Group on Enforced Disappearances stated in 2020 that the second highest number of enforced disappearance cases in the world is from Sri Lanka. Families of the disappeared who seek their loved ones are harassed, threatened and intimidated by the Terrorist Investigation Department (TID), Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and other Government intelligence agencies. Peaceful protests of these families face numerous challenges.

This letter was written ahead of UN Human Rights Council Session currently taking place in Geneva. High Commissioner will table a report on Sri Lanka during this Session.

** BELOW, PLEASE FIND THE FULL LETTER:

February 25, 2022

Honourable Michelle Bachelet
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
Geneva

Dear Madam High Commissioner!

As you are preparing to deliver a written update to the UN Human Rights Council about Sri Lanka, we, from the Tamil political parties in Sri Lanka wish to bring to your kind attention our assessment of the situation of Tamils since the adoption of UN Resolution 46/1 in March 2021.

We also want to express our appreciation for your below report on Sri Lanka on Jan 12, 2021 referring accountability as:

“Member states have a number of options to advance criminal accountability and provide measures of redress for victims. In addition to taking steps towards the referral of the situation in Sri Lanka to the International Criminal Court, Member States can actively pursue investigation and prosecution of international crimes committed by all parties in Sri Lanka before their own national courts, including under the principles of extraterritorial or universal jurisdiction. The High Commissioner encourages Member States to work with OHCHR, victims and their representatives to promote such avenues for accountability, including through opening investigations into possible international crimes, and to support a dedicated capacity to advance these efforts. Member States can also apply targeted sanctions, such as asset freezes and travel bans against State officials and other actors credibly alleged to have committed or be responsible for grave human rights violations or abuses, as well as support initiatives that provide practical benefits to victims and their families.” https://undocs.org/A/HRC/46/20

We also would like to bring to your kind attention an open letter from 20 former high-level UN officials on February 18, 2021. The signatories included all four former UN High Commissioners for Human Rights – four former high officials of the UN, nine former Special Rapporteurs who had visited and written reports on Sri Lanka, and, all three members of the Secretary-General’s Panel of Experts on Sri Lanka.

As the signatories noted, “The recently released report on Sri Lanka by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights underlines, yet again, the country’s lack of progress on justice and accountability. Based largely on an analysis of emerging trends, it makes a compelling case for decisive international action to ensure justice and accountability for mass human rights violations and atrocities in Sri Lanka as a central element of the search for sustained
reconciliation and the prevention of the recurrence of rights abuses and conflict.” They concluded, “Given the continued reluctance of the Sri Lankan Government to meaningfully uphold the human rights of all, only decisive, international action to ensure justice and accountability can interrupt Sri Lanka’s periodic cycles of violence. https://chrgi.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Sowing-the-Seeds-of-Conflict.pdf

During the last six months, there was continued impunity for violations committed during the war that ended in 2009 and the government ignored repeated UN Human Rights Council Resolutions calling for justice and accountability. As such, justice stalled and impunity prevailed. Tamil victim groups, Human rights defenders, Civil society leaders, Journalists and others were increasingly intimidated and harassed by Sri Lankan authorities. Increased use of Covid-19 restrictions and counter-terror laws by the Sri Lankan law enforcement authorities restrict the space for peaceful protests while discrimination against and marginalization of the Tamil people continues.

Under the guise of “development projects,” government – driven Sinhalese – Buddhist colonization (settlements) is growing in traditional Tamil areas with the intent to change the demography, disturb the contiguity of the North East Tamil speaking areas and deny Tamil people access to their lands. Several government departments, including the Mahaweli Authority, Archaeological Department, Forest Department, and Wildlife Department are deployed in this initiative. This encroachment is facilitated by the overwhelming presence of the Sri Lankan military which is comprised almost exclusively of Sinhala – Buddhist persons. The present ethnocratic government is bent on disturbing the demography of the North and East areas and plant Sinhala settlements within predominantly Tamil speaking areas.

We also wish to bring to your attention that Sri Lankan government is also engaged in a program of demarcation of divisional boundaries to incorporate Sinhala – Buddhist into Tamil districts, thereby increasing the Sinhala – Buddhist population in the Tamil areas.

Suffering Tamil women continue to face numerous challenges in their life since the war ended. International Truth and Justice Project (ITJP) in February 2017 handed over details to UN of Sri Lankan Military run “Rape Camps”, where Tamil women are being held as “sex slaves”. Also, according to UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office report in April 2013, there are over 90 thousand Tamil war widows in the North and East of Sri Lanka. Thousands of Tamils had disappeared, including babies and children. UN Working Group on Enforced Disappearances stated in 2020 that the second highest number of enforced disappearance cases in the world is from Sri Lanka. Families of the disappeared who seek their loved ones are harassed, threatened and intimidated by the Terrorist Investigation Department (TID), Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and other Government intelligence agencies. Peaceful protests of these families face numerous challenges.

Despite numerous appeals and Resolutions by the UN Human Rights Council, Sri Lanka continues to use draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA). While numerous Tamil political prisoners are imprisoned for years without charge or trial or convicted after unfair trials, not a single member of the Sri Lankan security forces was arrested or charged for committing atrocity crimes against Tamils. It is pertinent to mention that members of the security forces have been released from their convictions or charges of crimes by the current Government.

We would like to point out that repeated mass killings of Tamils amounting to genocide is due to lack of permanent political solution to the protracted ethic conflict in Sri Lanka. We strongly feel that an internationally conducted and monitored referendum is the only way to bring permanent political solution to the ethnic conflict, thereby stopping mass atrocities against the Tamil people.

We appeal to you to take decisive steps to stop government sponsored Sinhala – Buddhist settlements in Tamil areas, to stop demarcation of divisional boundaries to incorporate Sinhala – Buddhist areas into Tamil districts and to reduce the overwhelming Sri Lankan military presence in Tamil areas even after the war ended over twelve years ago. We also appeal to you to strongly consider calling for a referendum to prevent further atrocity crimes against Tamil people.

We submit these facts for your kind attention, consideration and necessary action and to support your commitment and untiring efforts to ensure justice to the Tamil people of Sri Lanka.

Thanking you, Sincerely

1) Hon. Justice C.V. Wigneswaran, MP Member of Parliament, Jaffna District.
Leader – Tamil Makkal Kootani (TMK) / Tamil Makkal Thesiya Kootani (TMTK)
No. 232, Temple Road, Nallur, Jaffna, Sri Lanka.
Tel: +94 21 221 4295 – Email: cvwoffice18@gmail.com

2) Hon. Selvam Adaikalanathan, MP Member of Parliament, Vanni District.
President – Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO) (TNA)
St. Sebastian Road, Mannar, Sri Lanka.
Tel: + 94 23 222 2100 – Email: selvamtelo@yahoo.com

3) Hon. Dharmalingam Sithadthan, MP Member of Parliament, Jaffna District.
Leader – Peoples Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) (TNA)
Kantharodai, Chunnakam, Jaffna, Sri Lanka.
Tel: +94 11 258 6289 – Email: sithadthan@gmail.com

4) Mr. Kandiah Premachandran, Former Member of Parliament, Jaffna District
President – Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) (TMTK)
Kattappiriai, Irupaalai, Jaffna, Sri Lanka.
Email: akpchandran@gmail.com

5) Mr. Nallathamby Srikantha, Former member of Parliament, Jaffna District
Leader – Tamil National Party (TNP) (TMTK)
138A. Pointpedro Road, Aanaipanthi, Jaffna, Sri Lanka.
Email: nsrikanthampsl@gmail.com

Wimal and Gammanpila removed from minister posts

Ministers Wimal Weerawansa and Udaya Gammanpila have been removed from their respective ministerial portfolios by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

The President’s Media Division said that under the powers vested in him by the Constitution, the President has removed the two MPs from their Cabinet minister posts with effect from this evening (03).

This was followed by the reshuffling of several ministerial positions.

Gamini Lokuge was sworn in as the Minister of Energy while Pavithra Wanniarachchi was sworn in as the Minister of Power before the President this evening at the Presidential Secretariat, the PMD said.

Secretary to the President Gamni Senarath was also present on this occasion.

Meanwhile SLPP Member of Parliament S.B. Dissanayake has been sworn in as the new Minister of Industries, the position held by MP Wimal Weerawansa.

PHU leader Udaya Gammanpila has served as the Minister of Energy while NFF leader Wimal Weerawansa served as Minister of Industries.

It was reported earlier today that the President has decided to reshuffle several key Cabinet positions.

Minister Gamini Lokuge had confirmed that he was sworn in as the new Minister of Energy, the position previously held by MP Udaya Gammanpila.

The minister revealed this while speaking to reporters outside the Presidential Secretariat in Colombo his evening, following the sudden Cabinet reshuffle.

Minister Lokuge also said that Pavithra Wanniarachchi, who was serving as the Transport Minister, was sworn in as the new Minister of Power, the post previously held by him.

Ukraine Crisis Risks Pushing Sri Lanka Closer Toward Default -Bloomberg

With Covid shutting off tourism from much of the West, Russia and Ukraine had become an increasingly important source of foreign currency for Sri Lanka. The conflict threatens to turn off that tap as key bond repayments come due.

Almost a quarter of all tourist arrivals into Sri Lanka this year were from Russia and Ukraine — rising to 30% if you include Poland and Belarus, official data show. Russia, which was the third-biggest buyer of Sri Lankan tea over the past two years, rose to second place in January.

While detailed breakups on spending aren’t yet available, tourism and tea earned Sri Lanka more than $260 million in foreign currency this year. Every dollar is important because the nation’s overall FX reserves fell 25% to $2.36 billion in January. Sri Lanka looks set to face a funding requirement of $5.7 billion in 2022, including the money needed to plug the current account deficit, according to estimates from Bloomberg Economics.

Much of the reserves stockpile comprises bilateral aid such as swap lines from China and India, and Sri Lanka was looking to boost non-debt flows. The island nation is already running Asia’s fastest inflation, and foreign investors are concerned that if Sri Lanka doesn’t restructure its overseas debt or devalue the rupee that is currently pegged to the dollar, it could miss repayments such as on a bond maturing in July.

“Balance of payments is the main issue, reserves are dwindling, the currency isn’t being allowed to adjust and if they avoid raising fuel prices then losses at the state-owned enterprises will mount,” said Kenneth Akintewe, head of Asian sovereign debt at abrdn. “Securing some source of foreign funding is even more urgently required now, but given the risk of fairly imminent default, that is easier said than done.”

The 5.875% bond maturing in July fell one cent to 74 cents on the dollar Monday, the lowest in more than a month. The 7.55% 2030 note dropped three cents over the past week to a record low of 46 cents on the dollar.

Sri Lanka’s policy makers have reiterated that they are seeking to refinance rather than restructure the notes. “We hope the conflict won’t escalate,” Central Bank of Sri Lanka Governor Ajith Nivard Cabraal said by phone Monday, adding that the authority was assessing the situation. He didn’t elaborate.

What Bloomberg Economics Says…

“Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has increased the probability that Sri Lanka could default on its dollar-denominated debt. This raises the urgency for Sri Lanka to seek assistance from the International Monetary Fund”

The Ukraine tensions have already “badly affected the Sri Lankan economy” and local oil prices may need to go up in time, Cabinet spokesman Ramesh Pathirana said last week.

Buyers from Russia have warned of “affordability issues” because of the steep depreciation of the ruble, said Dinesh Fernando, chief operating officer of Ceylon Tea Brokers Plc in Colombo. A few Ukrainian buyers have also told exporters to hold shipments until further notice, he said.

The impact on prices would be seen at the auctions later this week, Fernando added.

The ruble was indicated 29% lower versus the dollar in offshore trading on Monday after President Vladimir Putin put the nation’s nuclear forces on higher alert as the U.S. and European allies announced plans to sanction Moscow’s central bank and cut off some Russian banks from the SWIFT financial messaging system.

“After the pandemic, Central Europe has been a major source of arrivals, especially from Ukraine and Russia,” said M. Shanthikumar, president of the Hotel Association of Sri Lanka. “Obviously that will now not happen because of the conflict,” he said, adding that there had been cancellations from these destinations.

The government will report February inflation data later Monday, with analysts expecting an up tick in prices to 14.6%, stoked by crop failures on top of import restrictions to conserve dollars and high global prices of key commodities.

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Ukrainian tourists visiting Sri Lanka request extended stay

Ukrainian tourists visiting Sri Lanka have been severely inconvenienced by the current Russian-Ukrainian crisis.

As a result of this issue, they are currently resorted to staying at hotels in Bettota area and are unable to travel to their home country.

They are requesting that they be allowed to remain in Sri Lanka until the war situation in Ukraine is resolved.

The war in Ukraine has resulted in 198 people being killed with 3 of them being children and 1,115 wounded, with 33 of them being children.

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Basil’s visit to India postponed

Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa’s visit to India has been postponed, Daily Mirror learns.

The Minister was supposed to land in New Delhi today for meetings with his Indian counterpart Nirmala Sitharaman and External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar to finalise on financial cooperation for Sri Lanka, to secure supplies of essential foods and fuel in the midst of the foreign exchange crisis.

According to informed sources, the visit will be rescheduled for a future date shortly.

India has already offered US $ 500 million credit line for fuel and US $ 1 billion facility for the import of food items and pharmaceuticals.

Foreign Secy Slams Bachelet’s Decision By Sulochana Ramiah Mhhan

Foreign Secretary Admiral Jayanath Colombage slammed UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet’s new report, which claims the UN has decided to set up an evidence-gathering mechanism for Sri Lanka.

Bachelet stated in her report that her office has decided to open an office in Sri Lanka for evidence collection, and that her office has begun implementing the aspects of Resolution 46/1, with a start-up team carrying out preparatory work since April 2021.

“We are not going to allow that to be operating in Sri Lanka,” he said adding that this mechanism run by outsiders will not be allowed in Sri Lanka.

“It’s against the UN mandate, and the United Nations Human Rights Commission has no entitlement to run an evidence gathering mechanism in other countries,” he stressed.

Colombage asserted that since a domestic mechanism is taking shape and the process is on-going, Sri Lanka cannot allow another parallel mechanism introduced from outside and that would never occur.

He pointed out that this matter has been explained clearly to the Rights Chief. “We will do everything locally and no international mechanism of that nature will be allowed,” he reiterated.

He recalled how the 2015, the Government of the time had co-sponsored a hybrid mechanism to probe war crimes allegations, agreed and tried to allow foreign judges to set up a special Court in Sri Lanka. But such mechanism was also rejected then and that will never be allowed too, he reiterated.

He also said this Government is ready to face the UNHRC session and challenge what comes may. The UNHRC raised various allegations related to human rights on Sri Lanka, adding that however, about 95 per cent of matters are related to domestic politics and affairs. “We have a Parliament, a Cabinet, a President elected by the people and we are a democratically elected Government. There is no dictatorship or a military run government in Sri Lanka, so the country has the right to take decisions on the behest of the elected government and the people of the country. But when the very domestic policies are being questioned by the UNHRC, a conflict erupts. We have clearly stated to the UNHRC Commissioner, that a country’s internal or domestic affairs cannot be challenged by the UNHRC and it has no relevance to her Office.

Sri Lanka Tamil MPs protest outside president’s office over land issue

Nearly 13 Members of Parliament (MPs) representing the Tamil-speaking people held a protest in front of the Presidential Secretariat in Colombo Thursday (24) morning (24), demanding an audience with President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to raise issues about land grabbing occurring in the Northern and Eastern Provinces.

Today, 13 MPs TELO,ITAK,TNPF and TMTK are holding a protest in front of the Presidential Secretariat. We heard from our sources that the President is due to be at the Secretariat today. We have raised our land-related issues in Parliament on a number of occasions and have held protests in a number of places. However, this issue still has not been resolved.

“I told the official that we’re not a trade union or association. There are 13 MPs here who were elected by the people, with over 1.5 million votes between us all. The president and the secretaries must remember that we represent 1.5 million people,” said Rasamanickam.

In a statement issued Wednesday morning, the president’s media division said an appointment had been given to the Tamil MPs who had, instead of meeting him, had held a protest outside the president’s office.

He explained that the Sri Lanka Mahaweli Authority is distributing traditional cattle grazing land in the Eastern Province and that farmers from traditional farmlands are being evicted by the Forest Department. “Recently, we saw a Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) Government MP taking some rocks belonging to the Archaeology Department from the North and the East. In the name of archaeology, even Hindu shrines have been removed and thrown away,” he added.

Rasamanickam said that yesterday, an official at the Presidential Secretariat had advised them to hand over a letter with their grievances but that a meeting with the President could only be given at a later date.

“We are not trade unions (TUs) or a village committee. We are MPs elected by the people. If you count the total votes that the 13 of us have obtained, it comes up to about 1.5 million votes. The President should remember that we are the people’s leaders of nearly 1.5 million people,” noted Rasamanickam.

Thamil Makkal Thesiya Kuttani Leader and MP C.V. Wigneswaran, who was also present at the protest, said that in recent times, a “lie is being spread that traditional Sinhala Buddhist lands have been taken by Tamils.”

“You kicked our Tamil people out in 1958 and 1983,” added Wigneswaran.

“We have repeatedly informed parliament and held protests in the north and east about this problem. No solutions have been provided. In fact, the problem has actually worsened,” he said.

The MP claimed that the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) has been unlawfully distributing land held by the people of the north and east. The Mahawelia Authority has distributed acres of land that people in the Eastern province have used for cattle grazing.

“People have suddenly been asked to evict lands where they had been growing cowpea, green grams at small scale for 50, 60 years, with the claim that it’s land belonging to the Forest Department,” he said.

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The 13th Amendment and the Tamil Polity – A pragmatic approach-Dr Nirmala Chandrahasan

There is much speculation in the Tamil political circles as to the usefulness or otherwise of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution and whether the Provincial Council system set up under its aegis gives a measure of power sharing or devolution of powers to the Tamil speaking provinces, or whether it is an ineffective institution which blocks out any greater devolution under the exercise of internal self- determination. This debate has been sparked by the decision of Tamil speaking parties including the TNA, to send a letter to the Prime minister of India Shri Narendra Mody, requesting him to use his good offices to induce the Government of Sri Lanka to implement the 13th Amendment fully, in the context that the 13th Amendment arose out of the provisions of the Indo -Sri Lanka Peace Accord of July 1987, to which treaty India and Sir Lanka are signatories. The letter was duly signed by six Tamil party leaders and handed over to the Indian high Commissioner, triggering some protests by those opposing the 13th Amendment. This debate takes on even greater urgency in the context of the impending new constitutional proposals of the Experts Committee appointed by the Gotabaya Government to be tabled in Parliament shortly.

In order to determine which is the better view we have to take a look at the provisions of the 13th Amendment and the workings of the Provincial Councils set up under them, which have been in operation from 1988 onwards in most parts of the Country. Although the PCs as originally envisaged were intended to be set up for the amalgamated Northern and Eastern provinces, to give expression to the long standing demand of the Tamil speaking people since independence, for devolution and power sharing within a Federal framework, it was extended to the Sinhala majority provinces as well although there had been no demand for them in these provinces.

The first Provincial Council elections were held in April 1988 for the North Central, North Western, Sabragamuva and Uva provinces, and subsequently for the other provinces. In September 1988 the Northern and Eastern provinces were made one administrative unit in accordance with the provisions of the Indo -Sri Lanka Treaty, and in November 1988 elections were held for the North East Provincial Council. In 1990 the PC was dissolved. Thereafter the North East Province was directly administered by the Central government. During the civil war it was not possible to hold PC elections In the northern and eastern parts of the Country. In 2006 pursuant to a Court decision the two provinces were separated.

It was only in May 2008 that the Eastern province, Provincial Council election was held. Subsequently after the termination of the war in the north, the Northern province, Provincial Council election was held on 21st September 2013. We can see that this institution has been operating over a long period of time but during this long period certain sections of the 13th Amendment dealing with the powers conferred on the Provincial Councils, set out in the 3 Appendixes to the 9th Schedule of List 1 Provincial Council List, are yet to be activated and are in abeyance. These Appendixes deal with the following subjects; Appendix 1, law and order which has to do mainly with Police powers and institution of a Provincial Division of the Police Force alongside the National Division of the Force. Appendix 11 Land and land settlement, and Appendix 111 Education.

Apart from the above, the Provincial Council exercises powers in respect of the subjects assigned to it, over which it has both legislative and executive powers. The subjects assigned to the Province and set out in the provincial List, List 1 include interalia Provincial housing and construction, Agriculture and Agrarian services ,Rural development ,health, land, Irrigation, Roads bridges and ferries within the Province, Planning,and Plan implementation of Provincial economic plans ,Educational services, and supervision and administration of Local Government Authorities. The List even includes Ancient and historical monuments other than those declared to be of national importance. I mention this in the context of the Archaeological explorations being made in the northern and eastern provinces by the recently appointed task force on Archeology without any representation from the Tamil and Muslim communities.

There is also a concurrent List , List 111, over which both the Provincial Council and the Centre can exercise powers, these include planning and appraisal of plan implementation strategies at the provincial level, education and educational services, higher education, agriculture and agrarian services, health, irrigation, Tourism etc. In these areas there can be overlapping powers and hence disputes. The Provincial Council can pass statutes and exercise executive powers in respect of the subjects set out in the Provincial and Concurrent Lists. These powers are largely based on the powers conferred on the States in the Indian Constitution part VI. The States in India are running efficiently and providing the people with the services that they need.

Tamil Nadu for example is recognized as having a very efficient administration presently under the Chief -Minister M.K Stalin. The question has to be posed as to why the Provincial Council system in Sri Lanka is generally regarded as a white elephant and as not effective in providing services to the people. For this we must examine the road blocks in the system and make the necessary adjustments, rather than just dismantling the entire system, and throwing the baby away with the bath water so to speak.

An appraisal of the workings show that most of the stumbling blocks to the smooth functioning of the Provincial Councils are as a result of the provisions of the Provincial Councils Act no 42 of 1987, which was passed alongside the 13th Amendment. Under this Act the Governor is given powers over the finances of the PCs and is given control of the Provincial Public service as well as the Provincial Public Service commission. The 13th Amendment provides that the executive power of the Provincial Council is vested in the Governor and he acts through the Board of ministers or through members of the provincial public service. The Chief Minister and the Board of Ministers aid and advise the Governor in the exercise of his functions and the Governor Shall act in accordance with the advice except where he is required under the Constitution to exercise his discretion.

In the Indian Constitution similarly in respect of the States ,the executive power is vested in the Governor but as in the Westminster scheme of governance the Governor acts on the advice of the Chief Ministers and is a nominal head .On the other hand in Sri Lanka we find many instances of Governors exercising these powers like executive heads and not as nominal heads, particularly in the Tamil majority provinces and not so much in the Sinhalese majority provinces.

The Governors stranglehold over the functioning of the PCs is most clearly demonstrated in his power over the finances of the province. To run the PCs money is required and this is where the Councils have been most hamstrung as the Provincial Councils Act gives the Governor controlling power over the finances of the Province. The custody of the Provincial Fund is with the Governor. The PC cannot pass any statute imposing or abolishing taxes without the consent of the Governor. More over the constitutional framework severely limits the revenue raising capacity of the PCS, as pointed out in the Report of the Parliamentary subcommittee on Centre- Periphery relations of November 2016. Hence the PCs have to depend largely on Central grants for their funds.

Another area which needs to be redesigned is the Administrative system. To run the Provincial Councils effectively the Council requires control not only over its funds but also an effective administrative system and defined areas of competence. At present the District Secretary and the Divisional Secretary as well as the Grama Niladaris come under the Central Government These officers perform administrative functions within the territory of the province but without any control from the provincial administration. Also although the Local Authorities are under the supervisory control of the Provincial Councils as per the devolved List, most of the power at the local level remains with the Central Government.

For efficient administration of the province there has to be defined areas of competence. But in effect the Centre has been encroaching on the areas assigned to the provincial administration. The reserved List of the Centre List 11, starts with the Rubric” National policy on all subjects”. This has enabled the Centre to take over subjects which it designates as National. To remedy this, what is National policy or National standards should be laid down through a participatory process with the involvement of the Provinces culminating in framework legislation passed by Parliament to which both Centre and Provinces should adhere. This has been proposed in the Report of the Experts Committee on the Constitution,2006. Another matter which has to be amended is the Concurrent list. Here too it has been recommended that the List be eliminated and the relevant subjects be divided between the Centre and the Province, so that they each have defined areas.

In an article of this nature it is not possible to do a more in depth study but I have outlined what are the important issues to be addressed if the Provincial Councils are to provide meaningful Devolution. Some of the areas which need amendment are as follows. The Governors role has so far tended to be an obstruction to the functioning of the PCs. The Governor should continue as a nominal head and leave the running of PC to the elected representatives. This is also a recommendation of the Parliamentary subcommittee in its 2016 report.

Hence the Governor’s powers have to be pruned and the Provincial Councils Act suitably amended. The revenue raising capacity of the PCs must be enhanced . It is suggested that they be given the power to obtain loans from foreign sources or at least have the power to administer projects financed by foreign aid. Another important issue is to put in place an administrative structure that can carry out the functions of the Provincial Council in services delivery to the people and for this the administration has to be redesigned so as to bring the District Secretary , the Divisional Secretary and the Grama Niladaris, under the Provincial administration while they still carry out agency services for the Centre. Furthermore although local Authorities are under the Authority of the PC, as per the devolved List, this provision is being undermined by the Centre using the Urban Development Authority (UDA), Mahaweli Authority and other Central bodies operating within the Province. Hence it must be mandated that such bodies operate within the Province only with the consent and in conjunction with the Provincial and Local Government Authorities. As for the powers in respect of Law and Order and Police powers contained in Appendix 1 of List 1 the 9th schedule , they could be transferred to those PCs which request them as for example in the case of the Northern Ireland Assembly in the UK , where these powers were initially with the Centre, but there was a provision that allowed them to be released on request. In 2010 they were transferred to the Assembly under the Hillsborough Agreement. Until such time as Appendix 1, comes to be activated other provisions can be put in place, such as a policy of recruiting a percentage of the Police cadre stationed in the northern and eastern provinces from these provinces and mandate that they have an O level pass in the Tamil language so that they could operate efficiently in the Tamil speaking areas. I would suggest some similar provision in respect of some areas in the Central provinces so that the upcountry Malayaha Tamils, are also benefited. It is submitted that the Appendix 11 on land be fully implemented as it is essential for the land security of these provinces that the utilization of state land as well as alienation of such land under Presidential order be done in consultation with, or advise of the Provincial Council . The provision in Appendix 11 on the constitution of a National Land Commission with members being appointed from all 3 communities should be carried out forthwith.

I would suggest that the Tamil parties take up the proposed reforms with the Government of Sri Lanka in a negotiated process. As the Government of India was the other party to the Indo Sri Lanka Treaty, India can legitimately demand that the obligations undertaken in the treaty be carried out and the provisions of 13 A be implemented fully so that meaningful devolution is assured to the Tamil speaking people whom the Treaty specifically denotes as the historical inhabitants of the northern and eastern provinces of Sri Lanka. In line with the UNHCR resolution the Sri Lankan Government should also hold the Provincial Council elections so that these institutions can be functioning and not in abeyance as they have been for some years. The Provincial Councils in the South will also benefit from the reforms proposed as it will provide the citizens of the entire Country a stream lined system which is a service provider to the people. I note that the President in his Budget speech has advised the Tamil parties to look to their peoples’ needs and concentrate on economic development of their areas. This can best be done when there is true democracy and the people are taken into the process of consultation as to the strategies for economic development and this is best done at the local level through the Provincial Councils, and local Government Authorities, rather than through bureaucrats sitting in Colombo who have no knowledge of the local conditions or the needs of the people. In my view the Province remains the best unit of devolution at present to serve the needs of the Tamil speaking people. It gives them some measure of autonomy in their traditional areas of inhabitancy. Similarly in the United kingdom which is a Unitary State, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland which are ethnically distinct have their own Legislative Assemblies, in the case of Scotland it is called a Parliament, and exercise similar powers to those set out in the 13th Amendment.

I would like to point out that all the major changes suggested in this article respecting the Governors powers, Financing of the Provincial Councils and the Re-designing of the Administrative system in the Provinces have been recommended in the following Reports: Report of the Experts Committee advising the APRC on Constitutional matters and resolution of the National Question 2006, the Report of the APRC( All party Representative Committee) on a new Home grown Constitution 2010, Report of the Parliamentary sub- committee on Centre -Periphery relations 2016 , presented to the Steering Committee of the Constitutional Assembly which was engaged in producing a new Constitution during the tenure of the previous government. In the circumstances the proposed new Constitution could incorporate these features and there is no need to reinvent the wheel. I would submit that the Provincial Council system can be an efficient and successful system if all the short comings referred to above are eliminated and the necessary amendments made. These changes will not require any major constitutional procedures, and can be accomplished by legislation in Parliament with a simple majority ,and the administrative changes by Presidential gazette notification under the provisions of the 13th Amendment itself.

*The writer was a member of the Experts Committee 2006, and a signatory to the Majority Report of this Committee.