Daily coronavirus case count climbs to 2,845

The Epidemiology Unit of the Health Ministry reports that another 856 persons have tested positive for COVID-19 in Sri Lanka, moving the daily total of new cases to 2,845.

This brings the total number of confirmed cases of coronavirus reported in the country to 189,241.

As many as 153,371 recoveries and 1,484 deaths have been confirmed in Sri Lanka since the outbreak of the pandemic.

The Epidemiology Unit’s data showed that 34,386 active cases are currently under medical care.

Sri Lanka confirmed 43 deaths due to COVID-19 on Monday, May 31, 2021.

The Director General of Health Services Monday confirmed 43 deaths that included four deaths that occurred on Monday and 39 deaths occurred from 20th May to 30th May due to Covid-19 virus infection.

The total number of deaths due to Covid-19 infection in Sri Lanka is 1,484 by now.

Hyatt, Hilton and Gaffoor Building to be offered to investors

The Grand Hyatt in Colombo, Hilton Hotel and the Gaffoor Building are to be offered to private investors.

Multiple properties in Colombo are to be opened up for investments under a Private Public Partnership (PPP) model through a new company formed with Cabinet approval.

Selendiva Investments Limited has been formed with Cabinet approval under which three clusters have been created.

The properties to be open for investments will be included in the three clusters, namely the Colombo Fort Heritage Square, Immovable Property Development, and Government Owned Hospitality Sector.

Selendiva Investments Limited, Chief Executive Officer (CEO) Shamahil Mohideen said that the intention of the new company is to make underperforming and underutilized assets more profitable.

He said the properties identified for investments include the Grand Hyatt in Colombo, Hilton Hotel, the Gaffoor Building, the building occupied by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Water’s Edge,

The Ministry of Urban Development and Housing said that nine properties in and around Colombo City have been identified to be open for investments.

Additional Secretary to the Ministry, Dr. Sugath Yalegama said that more properties will be added to the list later.

He said the intention is to make the public owned properties more profitable through private investments while the Government continues to control majority shares.

Under the new model, private investors will get 49 percent of the shares while the Government holds 51 percent.

Mohideen said that the 49 percent will be open to a single investor or multiple investors.

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Twin fears for India over the Colombo Port City – N SATHIYA MOORTHY

In light of the Sri Lankan Parliament passing a new legislation for China’s near-complete control in an ongoing Special Economic Zone (SEZ) project, neighbouring India has additional causes for concern on the security and economic fronts on this score too, apart from the existing ones from the southern Hambantota Port. While Indian concerns on the security front are obvious, the economic ills befalling the northern neighbour may be hidden until it becomes too late, unless New Delhi applied correctives in non-fashionable areas like job creation and ski training.

The Parliament passed the Port City Bill 148-59 in the 225-member House, after the ruling Rajapaksa dispensation presented an amended bill, to address the concerns numbered in the mandatory pre-passage ‘determination’ by the Supreme Court. The Sri Lankan process can be recommended for nations like India, where passage of bills without obtaining judicial opinion often leads to prolonged litigation later on, thus, defeating the very purpose of such legislation.

In the current instance, the Colombo Port City (CPC) Economic Commission Bill empowers the nation’s President to create a single-window management committee for the SEZ, which is on 269 hectares of reclaimed land along with massive tax and duty concessions for both domestic and foreign investors. After the government went ahead with the amendments without complying to the process of two-thirds vote in the Parliament or a national referendum, some concerns remain over the presidential powers to induct ‘foreigners’ into the management commission.

With the CPC originally planned under the earlier Rajapaksa government of President Mahinda (2005-2015), the current Prime Minister, critics of the incumbent administration of President Gotabaya, the former’s brother, say that the idea was to co-opt China (alone) on the board. From an Indian perspective, the form, content, and spirit of the law goes against the Rajapaksa arguments made for the unilateral cancellation of the predecessor regime’s tri-nation memorandum of cooperation (MoC) with India and Japan for joint development of the Eastern Container Terminal (ECT) in the Colombo Port and also decided against signing the US $480 million investment plans under the ‘Millennium Cooperation Corporation’ (MCC) of the US.

For the Rajapaksas, both the ECT and MCC were legacy issues, inherited from the previous right-liberal government of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, who green-flagged the projects without concluding the final agreements. The Rajapaksas had the option of taking either or both of them forward or go back on a sovereign commitment—only because they were ‘non-Chinese’. The on-and off Sri Lankan invitation for Indian pharma companies to set up SEZ units in Sri Lanka over the past one decade has also not come to fruition.

The Rajapaksas had the option of taking either or both of them forward or go back on a sovereign commitment—only because they were ‘non-Chinese’. The on-and off Sri Lankan invitation for Indian pharma companies to set up SEZ units in Sri Lanka over the past one decade has also not come to fruition

Hound-and-hare analogy

Flowing from the ECT-MCC cancellation, Colombo should have celebrated the CPC as a ‘national asset’ too and stood firmly against ‘foreigners’ on the Port City administration—but that has not been the case. Opposition MPs voted against the bill but still reiterated that it “will catalyse the next phase of growth … we want to make sure that it is done right”.

The Opposition’s doublespeak had become clear even on the Hambantota issue, when then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe of the United National Party (UNP), blamed the predecessor Rajapaksa regime for pushing the nation into a ‘Chinese debt-trap’, to justify the debt-equity swap-deal and the handing over of the Sri Lankan territory to China—at the same time borrowing on a large scale, from Beijing to construct highways. The present-day Opposition ‘Samagi Jana Balawegaya’ (SJB) is a breakaway chip of the old block, with not many policy changes despite the ideological orientation of the new leader, Sajith Premadasa. With the result, barring the divided Tamil polity with its own reason, and the inconsequential left-nationalist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna(JVP), the mainline Opposition has been hunting with the hounds and running with the hare whereever China is involved.

Critics of the Port City idea/law also point out how Sri Lanka was fooled by China’s commitments on annual business and revenues at Hambantota, and the final figures did not measure up. Given similar experiences of other Third World Chinese investment destinations like Mauritius, they are not sure if the Port City will end up as another ‘debt-trap’ of the Hambantota kind, one way or the other.

Given similar experiences of other Third World Chinese investment destinations like Mauritius, they are not sure if the Port City will end up as another ‘debt-trap’ of the Hambantota kind, one way or the other.

Jobs and investments

Leading the parliamentary debate on the amended CPC bill, Prime Minister Mahinda reiterated the promise of US $ 15-billion investments in five years. Separately, the government representatives told a parliamentary panel that a local investor has brought in US $100-million, though there is no information if he has an overseas finance-partner, and if so, who it might be.

Also, if the government cited stiff opposition from powerful trade unions as the cause for cancelling the ECT deal with India, they are said to have pulled back only after the Port City proposal promised new jobs in a big way. In his parliamentary intervention, PM Mahinda also reiterated big time job creation—200,000 during CPC construction and 85,000 permanent ones—skilled, semi-skilled, and unskilled, later on. The figure is impressive, as Sri Lankans working elsewhere are expected to return home, if they have not already done so post-pandemic, with their remittances heading the list of forex-earners.

The job figures are the same as in Budget-2021, presented in November last year. It shows how possibly the government has tied its economic hopes and youth aspirations to the CPC, more than any other. But there is a catch. Speaking on the bill in Parliament, Youth Affairs Minister, Namal Rajapaksa, told the youth that they had to acquire the ‘required skills’ to obtain those Port City jobs. If this was an indication that high-paying, top-rung jobs could still go to the Chinese (or, other foreigners?) on this one criterion, he did not mention it.

Through the past decade and more, China accounts for most of the investments in the country, including those by domestic entrepreneurs. As is their wont, the Chinese brought in all equipment and men from their homeland, thus depriving local enterprises and job seekers any share in their own nation-building and also in the incomes generated. This is saying a lot in terms of Sri Lanka’s continued economic ills, worsened by COVID-19, and at least a part of which the Port City accord seems wanting set right.

As if to address Minister Namal’s concerns even earlier, the opening paragraphs of Budget-2021, presented by PM Mahinda as Finance Minister, focused extensively on skills training for the youth, but without mentioning the Port City as the sole job provider. FDI providers to the region, barring China, would thus be watching the Sri Lankan skills programme keenly as the Indian promise of the past decade of two different regimes has not lived up to the commitments even in a small way. This will come on the top of the effective single-window clearances in Sri Lanka even without the Port City, where again the Indian performance is dismal.

Should the CPC really take off, especially with promised jobs, family incomes, and government revenues, the Rajapaksas’ politico-electoral positions could become unassailable within the country, as much for the next polls as in the recent past. This is different from the ‘friendly competition’ offered by Bangladesh to India, with the former now the fastest-growing economy in these parts.

Should the CPC really take off, especially with promised jobs, family incomes, and government revenues, the Rajapaksas’ politico-electoral positions could become unassailable within the country, as much for the next polls as in the recent past

‘India First’, still?

Coinciding with the Port City Bill’s passage and without naming China, President Gotabaya reiterated that “no one will be allowed to jeopardise the security of India”. Addressing the 26th international conference on ‘The Future of Asia’, organised by the Nikkei Forum from Tokyo, he said, “We understand their (India’s) security concerns and sensitivities … We will work closely with India and all regional partners to ensure that the Indian Ocean remains secure for the benefit of all countries.”

Gotabaya also reiterated that Sri Lanka will continue to forge economic ties with China and defended the Hambantota project, whose swap-deal he had unilaterally proposed to cancel at one time, but explained it away as a ‘commercial deal’ after coming to power. It remains unexplained as to why but the SJB/UNP Opposition, the only other political grouping with hopes of returning to power sometime in the future, too shares this view, overall. However, their commitments on the ‘security front’ sounds less hollow than that of the Rajapaksas, at least on paper—as no real issue had cropped up for New Delhi to test either, when it was in power.

President Gotabaya’s reiteration of security commitments to India has to be seen in the context of the tri-lateral meeting of the National Security Advisors (NSA), including Maldives, in December last year, when they broad-based and upgraded the moribund ‘Maritime Security Agreement’ to ‘Maritime and Security Agreement’, with Colombo as the seat of its secretariat. In turn, it was also a take-off from Gotabaya’s Foreign Secretary, retired navy admiral, Jayanth Colombage’s stand who propounded an ‘India First’, foreign and security policy, in August 2019. Yet, there is no denying the continued Indian apprehensions over the constant ‘shifting of goal-posts’ by Sri Lanka, be it on the economic or the security front.

The views expressed above belong to the author(s).

Sri Lanka Police Headquarters to move to Attidiya, Dehiwala

Sri Lanka’s Cabinet of Ministers has granted approval for the construction of the new Sri Lanka Police Headquarters in Attidiya Road, Dehiwala.

According to a document released by the Department of Government Information, the new Sri Lanka Police headquarters will be moved to a 14-acre land located at No. 142., Bellantota Junction in Attidiya Road.

The Sri Lanka Police Headquarters is currently operating in three buildings which are more than 100 years old, connecting York Street and Chaithiya Road and has also rented buildings due to the lack of space at the premises.

It added that on the 11th of July 2021 approval was granted by the cabinet to construct the Sri Lanka Police Headquarters Complex in Mirihana, however, the necessary steps were not taken in accordance with the cabinet decision.

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Sri Lanka petrol, diesel deals won by PetroChina International

Singapore based PetroChina International has won contracts to supply diesel and petrol to state-run Sri Lanka Petroleum Corporation (CPC) for eight months from June 01, 2021, the State information office said.

The Cabinet of ministers had cleared a recommendation by a special standing procurement committee to award the contracts to PetroChina International from June 01, 2021, to January 31, 2022.

PetroChina International will supply 1.12 million barrels of Diesel (maximum percentage of Sulphur 0.05) which will be unloaded at the Muthurajawel Single Point buoy Mooring system (SPM).

PetroChina International will also supply 1.12 million barrels of Diesel (maximum percentage of Sulphur 0.05) to be unloaded across Colombo Dolphin Tanker Birth (DTB) and the Muthurajawela SPM.

PetroChina International will supply 1.341 million barrels of Petrol (92 Unl) and 459,000 barrels of Petrol (95 Unl).

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Members appointed to Port City Economic Commission

President’s Counsel (PC) Gamini Marapana has been appointed as the Chairman of the Port City Commission.

Treasury Secretary S R Attygalle, Dr. Priyath Bandu Wickrama, Saliya Wickramasuriya, Kushan Kodithuwakku, Jerad Ondachchi and Rohan De Silva have been appointed as the members of the Commission.

Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardane last week signed and validated the Colombo Port City Economic Commission Bill.

Thereby the Colombo Port City Economic Commission Act will be implemented in full.

The Colombo Port City Economic Commission Bill was passed with amendments in Parliament on 20th May 2021.

The Bill was passed with 149 parliamentarians voting in favour and 58 against it during the third reading.

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40th Anniversary of BURNING JAFFNA LIBRARY, AN INTENT OF GENOCIDE

At midnight on May 31, 1981, the Jaffna Public Library, the crucible of Tamil literature and heritage, was set ablaze by Sri Lankan security forces and state-sponsored mobs. The burning has since been marked by Eelam Tamils as an act of genocide.

Where they have burned books, they will end in burning human beings.” – Heinrich Heine – a German poet, writer and literary critic.

Today is the 40th anniversary of the burning down of Jaffna library on 31st May 1981 by the Sinhala mob brought down from the South of Sri Lanka by senior ministers of the Sri Lankan state.

Over 95,000 unique and irreplaceable Tamil palm leaves (ola), manuscripts, parchments, books, magazines and newspapers, housed within an impressive building inspired by ancient Dravidian architecture, were destroyed during the burning. Some texts that were kept in the library, such as the Yalpanam Vaipavamalai (a history of Jaffna), were literally irreplaceable, being the only copies in existence. It was one of the largest libraries in Asia.

The destruction took place under the rule of the UNP at a time when District Development Council elections were underway, and two notorious Sinhala chauvinist cabinet ministers – Cyril Mathew and Gamini Dissanayake – were in Jaffna. Earlier on in the day, three Sinhalese police officers were killed during a rally by the TULF (Tamil United Liberation Front).

The burning continued unchecked for two nights.

Homes and shops across Jaffna town were also set alight by the mob, including the TULF headquarters and the offices of the Eelanadu newspaper.

Virginia Leary wrote in Ethnic Conflict and Violence in Sri Lanka – Report of a Mission to Sri Lanka on behalf of the International Commission of Jurists, July/August 1981, that “the destruction of the Jaffna Public Library was the incident, which appeared to cause the most distress to the people of Jaffna.”

This is a key event in the history of the Sri Lankan state’s genocide against Tamils, as the library was attacked in an aggressive act of biblioclasm, the deliberate destruction of books. By intentionally burning one of the oldest and respected collection of ancient Tamil manuscripts in the whole of south Asia, Sri lankan state deprived Tamils of their immeasurable treasure of cultural heritage.

This was intentional as there was no provocation in the area in which the library stood. The Jaffna district Police Headquarters was in the vicinity of the library when this occurred which shows intent as they were led by former ministers Gamini Thissanayake and Cyril Matthew. These are evidence that the burning of Jaffna Library was an intentional act of cultural genocide as the Sri Lankan government purposefully wanted to erase parts of Tamil history.

70 years of acts of genocide against Tamils calls for the need of justice through an international judicial mechanism and a process to protect the Tamils in the North-East of Sri Lanka.

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Nurses go on Strike

The All Ceylon Nurses’ Union launched a trade union action by reporting sick leave this morning (May 31).

This is due to the failure to provide proper solutions to the issues faced by nurses engaged in COVID-19 treatment, the General Secretary of the Union H. M. S. B. Mediwatta said.

Accordingly, a trade union action launched today will conclude tomorrow morning (June 01), he added.

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If govt. had cared to order vaccines in Jan. country would have been safe now

The JVP yesterday said that the Covid vaccination drive was doomed to fail owing to the government’s inefficiency and political interference.

JVP Propaganda Secretary MP Vijitha Herath, addressing the media, at the party headquarters, said that the government had not made timely decisions to launch the vaccine rollout. “There is a vaccination crisis. The government could not place orders in time for the vaccines. Even countries much poorer than Sri Lanka have done better. Morocco obtained its stock by Jan 21. Myanmar had purchased 3.7 million vaccines, Bangladesh purchased seven million vaccines. They were among the first countries to place orders with vaccine producing companies. Some ministers said that the government would vaccinate half of the population by the end of May.

MP Herath said that if the government had made right decisions at the right time and implemented them, the present crisis could have been averted. The Indian Foreign Minister visited the country on Jan 5 to 7 and stated that his country was willing to accommodate Sri Lanka on priority list to give vaccines. However, at that time the Medical Research Institute had not given approval for the vaccines from any country. “So we missed the bus.”

It was on Jan 22 the approval was granted for AstraZeneca vaccine. But the government placed the orders much later. If the government had done so in January, there would not have been any crisis situation now. Even the vaccines that had been procured were not given to people properly. They were given to people who carried chits from politicians. Political leaders of various levels were messing up with the inoculation process.

“During the first round of inoculation 600,000 doses were given to people but the government did not stock enough doses for booster shots. People in Colombo who had their first dose gathered at the Abhyaramaya temple even overlooking health regulations. Finally, the monks there too admit that the government’s vaccination drive was a failure.

“It is heartening to see that in some places health officials openly disregarded the chits and requests of favours by politicians. We should appreciate their courage and be proud of the fact that we still have brave health workers with backbone to stand against the unjust.”

Sri Lanka sovereign rating confirmed at ‘CCC+’ by S&P

Sri Lanka’s CCC+ sovereign rating has been confirmed by Standard and Poor’s with the rating agency said loose policies while boosting growth worsened debt and would also pressure the exchange rate.

“While expansionary macroeconomic policies will provide relief to the economy, they risk further weakening the government’s fiscal position and worsening the risks associated with the government’s already high debt burden,” the rating agency said.

“At the same time, domestic interest rates have been kept extremely low through massive liquidity injections by the central bank.

“While this has reduced the effective interest rate on the government’s domestic debt, an increase in domestic liquidity will also pressure the exchange rate. ”

Sri Lanka could run a 10.2 percent budget deficit in 2021.

“If revenue growth disappoints, we believe that the government has some flexibility to cut capital expenditure to contain the fiscal deficit,” the rating agency said.

“High fiscal deficits over an extended period will worsen the government’s extremely high debt stock.”

S&P said it could downgrade the credit if “foreign reserves decline by substantially more than we forecast, including if the government is unable to further boost reserves by issuing Sri Lanka Development Bonds (SLDBs).

SLDB rollover depended on the ability of local creditors to access foreign funding.

The full statement is reproduced below:

Sri Lanka Ratings Affirmed At ‘CCC+/C’; Outlook Remains Stable

Overview

• Sri Lanka’s external financing risks remain acute as the country’s high debt burden and large fiscal deficits weigh on investor confidence.

• While the economy is likely to expand modestly this year, uncertainty over the evolution of the COVID-19 pandemic threatens recovery.

• We affirmed our ‘CCC+/C’ long- and short-term sovereign credit ratings on Sri Lanka.

• The stable outlook reflects our view that the government has access to official creditors, but remains dependent on favorable business, financial, and economic conditions to boost foreign reserves.

Rating Action

SINGAPORE (S&P Global Ratings) May 31, 2021–S&P Global Ratings today affirmed its long-term foreign and local currency sovereign credit ratings on Sri Lanka at ‘CCC+’. We also affirmed our short-term foreign and local currency credit ratings at ‘C’. The transfer and convertibility assessment is ‘CCC+’. The outlook remains stable.

Outlook

The stable outlook reflects that, at this rating category, risks to Sri Lanka are relatively balanced over the next 12 months.

The threat of external deterioration is partially offset by the country’s access to official funding and accommodative macroeconomic policies, which are likely to boost domestic demand recovery.

Downside scenario

We could lower our ratings if foreign reserves decline by substantially more than we forecast, including if the government is unable to further boost reserves by issuing Sri Lanka Development Bonds (SLDBs).
This would hurt its debt-servicing capacity.

Upside scenario

We would raise the rating if external buffers are significantly boosted, or if economic recovery is much stronger than expected for the next two years. This could lower the risks associated with the government’s debt-servicing capacity.

Rationale

Our ratings on Sri Lanka reflect our assessment that risks to debt-servicing capacity remain elevated, and the government’s access to external financing is increasingly dependent on official support and favorable economic and financial conditions.

The country’s relatively modest income levels, weak external profile, sizable fiscal deficits, heavy government indebtedness, and hefty interest payment burdens significantly constrain our ratings.

While the economy is likely to expand this year, uncertainty over the COVID-19 pandemic fallout in Sri Lanka and the surrounding region poses significant headwinds to economic activity and recovery in sectors such as tourism.

While expansionary macroeconomic policies will provide relief to the economy, they risk further weakening the government’s fiscal position and worsening the risks associated with the government’s already high debt burden.

Institutional and economic profile: Pandemic uncertainty still hinders growth

• Following a sharp contraction in 2020, economic activity is expected to recover this year, although more slowly than previously forecast.

• The new deadly wave of infections sweeping across the surrounding region will likely keep borders closed for the rest of the year, while vaccine rollout has been hampered by supply issues.

• We expect policies to remain expansionary, as the government maintains a strong parliamentary majority.

Sri Lanka’s economy recorded its most severe contraction in 2020 as the government shut down international flights and implemented a nationwide lockdown in response to the COVID-19 outbreak. This resulted in real GDP plunging 16.4% year-on-year (yoy) in second quarter (Q2) 2020.

With the lifting of the lockdown and a revival in external demand for goods, Sri Lanka’s economy stabilized in the second half of the year and recorded growth of 1.3% yoy. Although the country experienced a second wave of coronavirus infections in Q4 2020, it was able to finally open its border to travelers in the first few months of this year. However, a third wave of infections that started in late April, which has proven to be the largest so far, has halted international travel again and we do not expect any meaningful uptick in tourism for the rest of the year.

Nevertheless, economic activity is likely to recover this year from the low base in 2020. We do not expect the government to reimpose a nationwide lockdown that would severely disrupt economic activity. Instead, it is likely to continue with localized restrictions and ad-hoc curfews to control the spread of the coronavirus. External demand is also likely to support the economy, especially if end-demand markets sustain their economic recovery.

However, downside risks to growth are still substantial, particularly given the unpredictable nature of the pandemic and the emergence of new infectious variants. A further serious escalation in the sanitary crisis could overwhelm Sri Lanka’s health care system, which is already operating at the brink. This could also increase the risk of strict movement restrictions. Meanwhile, due to supply disruptions, the vaccination campaign is likely to proceed more slowly than the government initially expected.

We forecast the economy will expand by 3.7% in real terms in 2021, following the 3.6% contraction in 2020. With better vaccination progress in 2022, we expect real GDP growth to accelerate to 4.0% and average 4.2% from 2022-2024.

This will bring per capita income to around US$3,900 in 2021, translating into real GDP per capita growth of 2.0% on a 10-year weighted-average basis. Although this growth is in line with peers at a similar income level, it is substantially below Sri Lanka’s potential.

Sri Lanka’s institutional setting has been a persistent credit weakness over the past few years. Frequent political infighting and occasional unpredictable developments have hindered policy predictability and weighed on business confidence, in our view.

While the current administration’s clear victories in both the presidential and parliamentary elections are likely to ease such uncertainty over policy direction, there has been further consolidation of power in the executive.

This could potentially undermine social stability, particularly if divisions along religious or ethnic lines persist, in our view.

S&P Global Ratings believes evolution of the coronavirus pandemic remains highly uncertain.

Reports of vaccines that are highly effective gaining approval in more countries are promising, but this is merely the first step toward a return to social and economic normality; equally critical is the widespread availability of effective immunization, which could come by the middle of next year.

We use this assumption in assessing the economic and credit implications associated with the pandemic (see our research here: www.spglobal.com/ratings). As the situation evolves, we will update our assumptions and estimates accordingly.

Flexibility and performance profile: Fiscal position will to continue deteriorate and external financing risks remain heightened

• The external profile remains weak, given that the high share of dollar-denominated debt exposes the government to shifts in risk sentiments.

• Sri Lanka’s fiscal deficit is likely to remain elevated due to subpar growth and revenue measures announced in the budget.

• This will likely worsen the government’s heavy indebtedness and add to the repayment burden.

The government’s external financing conditions have become more challenging, and uncertainty over access to official creditors remains high, in our view. The government recently received US$500 million in official loans for budgetary support.

Sri Lanka is also expected to benefit from the proposal for new Special Drawing Rights allocation by the International Monetary Fund. This is likely to increase Sri Lanka’s foreign exchange reserves by around US$780 million.

The government is also establishing bilateral credit lines with other central banks. A stronger network of bilateral swap lines will help to augment reserves to some extent.

However, we see increasing risks that funding from multilateral or bilateral partners will not be sufficient to cover all external financing needs over the next 12 months.

While financing conditions on the international capital markets remain difficult, the government has been able to issue SLDBs to domestic creditors, particularly domestic banks and eligible corporates.

Success in rolling over SLDBs will become increasingly crucial to the government’s debt-servicing capacity. In turn, this will heavily depend on domestic creditors’ ability to access external financing under favorable terms.

Persistent deficits in Sri Lanka’s fiscal and external positions remain rating constraints. The government’s heavy debt burden limits its ability to accumulate policy buffers, which are crucial in times of stress. The COVID-19 pandemic has further devastated government finances by dampening domestic economic activity and lowering excise duty earnings.

In the latest budget, the government committed to keeping the wide-ranging tax cuts, including a lower value-added tax (VAT) rate, increasing the VAT turnover threshold, and removing the 2% Nation Building Tax, for five years.

Instead of one-off measures to counter the economic impact of the pandemic, these expansionary measures are likely to increase the deficit for an extended period, in our view.

In the absence of extremely favorable economic and financial conditions, these measures are expected to constrain revenue growth and could be only partially offset by new revenue measures, such as the Special Goods and Services Tax.

The government is planning to significantly ramp up infrastructure spending over the next few years.

While recurrent expenditure has been relatively contained, room for further cuts is limited due to the high interest burden. Health care-related spending may also increase fiscal pressure, particularly if the hospital system comes under further strain.

We expect the fiscal deficit to remain elevated at 10.2% of GDP in 2021 and narrow gradually to 8.4% in 2024. If revenue growth disappoints, we believe that the government has some flexibility to cut capital expenditure to contain the fiscal deficit.

High fiscal deficits over an extended period will worsen the government’s extremely high debt stock.

We expect the increase in net general government debt to average 10.3% over 2021-2024. Net general government debt has exceeded 100% of GDP in 2020 and will continue to increase over the next five years, in our view.

Sri Lanka’s debt profile is also vulnerable due to the high share of the total debt being denominated in foreign currency, although this has been reducing over the past year.

The government has been increasing the share of domestic financing to fund the fiscal deficit.

At the same time, domestic interest rates have been kept extremely low through massive liquidity injections by the central bank. While this has reduced the effective interest rate on the government’s domestic debt, an increase in domestic liquidity will also pressure the exchange rate.

The government’s interest payment as a percentage of revenues has reached 68.8%in 2020–the highest ratio among the sovereigns we rate.

We assess the government’s contingent liabilities from state-owned enterprises and its relatively small financial system as limited.

However, risks continue to rise due to sustained losses at Ceylon Petroleum Corp., Ceylon Electricity Board, and Sri Lankan Airlines.

Also, Sri Lanka’s financial sector has limited capacity to lend more to the government without possibly crowding out private-sector borrowing, owing to its large exposure to the government sector of more than 20%.

The country’s external position remains vulnerable. While the current account deficit has narrowed substantially to 1.3% of GDP in 2020 from 2.2% in 2019, this was achieved through wide-ranging restrictions on non-essential imports.

We estimate the current account deficit will rise marginally to 1.9% of GDP in 2021. While most of the import restrictions will likely remain in place, higher fuel prices this year will likely result in a larger import bill, offsetting the earnings from robust workers’ remittances. Latest high frequency data shows a strong recovery in imports alongside sustained improvements in exports.

Sri Lanka’s external liquidity, as measured by gross external financing needs as a percentage of current account receipts plus usable reserves, is projected to average 122% over 2021-2024. We also forecast that Sri Lanka’s external debt net of official reserves and financial sector external assets will remain elevated at around 167% in 2021.

Sri Lanka’s monetary settings remain a credit weakness, although it has seen some structural improvements. The Central Bank of Sri Lanka has been preparing an updated Monetary Law Act in recent years. The passage of this act, which enshrines the central bank’s autonomy and capacity, will be crucial to improving the quality and effectiveness of monetary policy, in our view.

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