Velikkadai Sirai Padukolai

Tamil rights: reconciliation still far away

Colombo (AsiaNews) – In late July 1983, a terrible wave of anti-Tamil violence broke out in Sri Lanka, sparking the country’s long and bloody civil war. Since then, “Black July” has left an open wound in the country.

To mark the anniversary, the Christian Solidarity Movement has launched an awareness campaign in order to overcome ethnic tensions that still persist after 38 years.

The campaign’s main event was a meeting held on Tuesday at the Maradana Centre for Society and Religion. Buddhist monk Udawala Nanda Thero gave the keynote speech.

“The real reasons that led to this tragedy have not yet been addressed,” Thero said. “Laws have been introduced, but no realistic solutions” have been found.

For the religious, “We must sincerely ask ourselves where we are going. In today’s Sri Lanka are we really following in the footsteps of Desmond Tutu or Martin Luther King? No, we are just following an ideology that divides minorities from the majority. We need instead a common language and educational path to help Tamils, Sinhala and Muslims live together from childhood.”

An ethnic Tamil Anglican priest, Fr Marimuttu Sathivel, also spoke at the meeting. “In 2003,” he said, “citizenship was granted to people of Indian origin, but not to those who fled to India because of the war.”

At present, “There are still 107 refugee camps in various parts of India and 58,000 people who are not recognized as citizens in either country. This is the legacy of Black July 1983.”

For Fr Sathivel, “Tamils have not yet been involved in the economic development process of this country.” Hence, “Today there are 146,000 workers in the hill plantations, but three or four times as many young people work in Colombo in factories or as servants without any form of protection.”

What is more, “Racism continues to perpetuate itself. We just want the right to live on this earth in safety.”

At the end of the meeting promoted by the Christian Solidarity Movement, participants held a symbolic protest at the Lipton Circus in Colombo, raising signs with the slogans “No to racism” and “Protect Minority Collective Rights”.

Bathiudeen’s wife grilled over death of teen domestic worker

The wife of Rishad Bathiudeen is currently being interrogated by the Borella Police over the death of the teenage domestic worker at the parliamentarian’s residence.

Police teams, yesterday (July 22), recorded statements from six persons in Dayagama in connection to the incident.

The mother, stepfather, brother, and sister of the deceased teen and two former domestic workers of the Bathiudeen residence have been questioned by the police.

Meanwhile, the Attorney General appointed a Deputy Solicitor General and a team to provide legal advice for the action on the case.

On July 15, a 16-year-old girl, who had served as domestic help at the Bathiudeen residence, succumbed to severe burn injuries while receiving treatment at the Colombo National Hospital. She had been under medical care for 12 days since her admission to the hospital on July 03.

The girl, who was residing in the Dayagama area, had been 15 years of age when she was brought to the parliamentarian’s residence at Bauddhaloka Mawatha for domestic work last October.

The judicial medical officer who conducted the post-mortem on the girl’s death concluded that she had been sexually exploited.

Rajapaksa family works out compromise to keep family in power By P. K. Balachandran

COLOMBO – Given the intense speculation that incumbent President Gotabaya Rajapaksa will be replaced by his brother Basil Rajapaksa as the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) candidate in the 2024 Presidential election, Gotabaya’s announcement on Monday (19) that he intends to seek a second term came as a surprise to many.

He had earlier said he would be president only for one term, and given his reputation, people believed him. But his inability to fulfil his promises (principally to put Sri Lanka on the path of sustained and sustainable economic development) had made him rethink his resolution to stick to one term. The COVID-19 pandemic and other issues had stymied his attempts. On Monday, he told the media that he has time beyond 2024 to fulfil his goals, thereby saying he is looking for a second term.

In the weeks preceding Gotabaya’s statement, the expectation was that Basil Rajapaksa, the behind-the-scene economic and political manager of the SLPP and the government, would return from the US, set the house in order, get the economy going, and be set up as the SLPP’s 2024 Presidential candidate. But resistance from Gotabaya to this plan was intense as he needed a free hand to carry out his agenda as per his wishes.

According to sources, there were intense, and at times, acrimonious discussions within the Rajapaksa clan. But finally, a compromise formula was worked out in the best interest of the family and the SLPP, which is but a Rajapaksa family creation. The compromise appears to be that Gotabaya will seek a second term and Basil will help him win again, thus maintaining family unity as well as national power in the hands of the Rajapaksas.

At present, all key executive positions in the government, including the presidency, the premiership and the finance ministry are in the hands of the Rajapaksa siblings. For decades, the family had gained immensely by being united, and it was unlikely that this solidarity would be destroyed when the family’s hold was being seriously questioned due to non-performance in the last two and a half years under the Gotabaya Presidency. It was time members of the family put their shoulders to the wheel to save the regime and win the provincial elections in 2022 and the 2024 presidential poll.

Basil had single-handedly created the SLPP after his elder brother, Mahinda Rajapaksa, quit the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and struck out on his own. He led the party to a decisive victory in the local bodies elections against the then ruling United National Party – SLFP combine. He was instrumental in getting Gotabaya elected as President in 2019 and the SLPP getting a two-thirds majority in the 2020 parliamentary elections. When COVID-19 struck, he successfully managed the social and economic side of the dire situation created by the pandemic, wining kudos from international organizations.

But over time, power shifted from Basil’s hands and went straight into the hands of the military, with the backing of President Gotabaya, himself a former army officer. The military’s involvement in civil administration had kept increasing by the day much to the dismay of the Rajapaksa family, wedded as they were to the supremacy of civilians over the military. Basil Rajapaksa left for the US (as he is a dual citizen) and did not come back till the political and economic situation in Sri Lanka was ripe for his return. The time came when the Gotabaya regime was losing ground rapidly.

Initially welcomed by the majority of Sri Lankans on the expectation that Gotabaya will restore orderly government and push the country back onto the economic developmental path, he did not live up to expectations. Pandemic-triggered disruption of economic activities (lockdowns and movement restrictions) inconsistent actions, frequent changes in policy and decisions, lack of consultations with stakeholders including party people in touch with the grassroots, and rising prices of essentials, made people wonder if the SLPP will win the next elections.

There was a call for the return of Basil from America to set the house in order before facing the next polls. As one insider said: “Basil is our last hope.”

But Basil apparently wanted the Ministries of Finance and Economic Development and also the foreign investment department. Sri Lanka had lurched towards China, thus alienating India and the West. This put investment prospects in the China-funded and executed US$ 1.4 billion Colombo Port City in jeopardy. Basil, known for his broadminded and pragmatic approach could secure the co-operation of India, the West, and China at the same time, it was felt. The world sees both Gotabaya and Mahinda as doctrinaires.

Eventually, Basil got the finance and economic development portfolios after a hard-fought battle, because these were in the grip of the president aided and advised by his influential Secretary Dr. P. B. Jayasundara. As part of the compromise, it appears Basil will continue with some of the pet projects of the President but handle the rest of the economy independently. He has already met the envoys of the Western countries, India and China. The West is now opening up to Sri Lanka with the announcement of some investments and vaccine supplies. India is looking for openings and China is keen on Sri Lanka’s continuing to encourage Chinese investments. Basil’s aim, like President Gotabaya’s, will be to secure FDIs and not loans, the latter having cast a very heavy burden on Sri Lanka, driving it towards the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

Both Basil and Gotabaya have promised to open the Sri Lankan economy by September after widespread vaccination with the help of Chinese, Western, Russian and Japanese inputs.

Basil has also announced that the SLPP intends to go for provincial elections in 2022. The provincial elections will help revive the dormant party organization and enthuse the cadres, both necessary ingredients for winning the 2024 presidential election, no matter who the SLPP candidate is.

-ENCL

Posted in Uncategorized

Sri Lanka confirms 42 Covid-19 deaths occurred on Wednesday, toll rises to 3,959

Sri Lanka Thursday reported that 42 deaths due to COVID-19 occurred on Wednesday, July 21, 2021.

The Director General of Health Services has confirmed that 42 deaths occurred on Wednesday, July 21 due to the COVID-19.

Among the Wednesday’s deaths, 25 are of males and 17 of females. The majority of the deaths numbering 35 are of elderly people in the 60 years and above age group.

According to the data reported by the Government Information Department, the total deaths due to Covid-19 since the pandemic began last March has now risen to 3,959 including the deaths confirmed Wednesday.

Posted in Uncategorized

Our lands are under threat, say Tamils in Sri Lanka’s Eastern Province

Over the last few months, farmers of Mavadi Odai in Sri Lanka’s eastern Batticaloa district frequently spotted something crop up on their land overnight — a border stone they had not planted.

“The Forest Department people come and put their stones when we are asleep, and then claim the land to be theirs,” says Marimuthu Raveendrakumar, 51, speaking of a growing insecurity among residents over land that they returned to only in recent years, after years of displacement during the civil war. According to many in Batticaloa, the land where Tamil communities have resided and farmed for generations, is increasingly under threat from different governmental bodies that oversee agriculture, conservation and archaeology.

The 36 Tamil families in Mr. Raveendrakumar’s village which lacks motorable roads — it takes over 45 minutes to cover a 3-km stretch to reach here — do small-scale farming for a living. A plot of land is all they have assuring them of a livelihood. A majority owns under 5 acres. “But every day, the Forest Department is claiming a new patch of land here to be theirs,” he says.

The government’s forest conservation efforts come alongside growing criticism over its environmental policy that activists view as being “destructive”.

Apart from tackling the Forest Department’s moves, the people of Mavadi Odai constantly dread wild elephants, and more recently, powerful humans eyeing their natural resources. Not far from their homes, a rapid sand mining operation has begun, with huge machines extracting truckloads of sand on a daily basis, villagers note. Following the intervention of local MPs, district authorities ordered that it be paused.

Locals have not been able to obtain permission to mine sand in the resource-rich area. “We would be far more careful and not mine as deep as them, because we know our terrain, we know how our village gets flooded every monsoon,” says a farmer. Some of them work as labourers in the sand mines, earning a daily wage of LKR 700 to 1,000 (about ₹385) that could prove precious in the face of an acute job scarcity.

‘Sand mafias’

“The mining companies exploit the villagers’ poverty, get cheap labour, and make huge profits selling the sand. They don’t care about how that damages the environment here,” says Kanapathypillai Mohan, who heads ‘Thamizh Unarvaalargal’, a locally-run organisation that “stands up for Tamil people’s rights”.

“We had seen sand mafias only in films, but here we see them in action right in front of our eyes, that too with the blessings of some prominent local politicians aligned to the Rajapaksa government,” he alleges.

Admitting that sand mining is going on in a “drastic manner” in the province, Anuradha Yahampath, Governor of the Eastern Province, says the Geological Department takes “all factors into consideration” while issuing licences, but some who obtain the licence are “violating” the conditions.

Asked about allegations of the Forest Department taking over agriculture land, the Governor, the highest official in the Province appointed by and representing the President, said in some instances, land is being freshly demarcated to indicate forest areas. “There are some other cases where people have encroached into forest areas, and we are looking at alternative lands that can be offered to them. It is very important that we provide agricultural land to our people, and at the same time, protect our forests,” Ms. Yahampath says, adding that a “strong environmental committee” headed by the Governor, with members of the Navy, Army and special task force, is looking into the concerns over land, “the biggest issue” in the Province.

Land-related conflicts

The government’s efforts are yet to inspire confidence among the people, going by their accounts. In fact, land-related conflicts in Batticaloa have escalated after President Gotabaya Rajapaksa came to power, they note.

Livestock farmers in Mayilathamadu, about 70 km from town, have been agitating for months, against colonies of Sinhalese agricultural families, set up reportedly by the country’s Mahaweli authority that administers land and irrigation, on fields their cattle have been grazing for decades. Like some other farmers’ organisations and residents in the civil war-affected north and east, they too have recently filed a case, accusing governmental departments of taking control of their lands in the pretext of expanding forest cover, boosting domestic agriculture — in some areas involving the Civil Defence Force — or carrying out archaeological investigations, according to Jaffna parliamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran, a senior lawyer appearing for them. At least a dozen such cases have been filed in the last year.

Task force

Further, six months into office, President Rajapaksa set up a task force for Archaeological Heritage Management in the Eastern Province last June that has emerged another source of apprehension for Tamils. The panel, with only majority Sinhalese members — including senior Buddhist monks — has taken steps that Tamils fear, will threaten their places of worship, like the Kusalanamalai Kumaran temple in Batticaloa. The stones placed by the Archaeology Department around the shrine have already made temple administrators nervous. “The motive appears to assert Buddhism in these traditional Tamil areas,” says an office bearer, requesting anonymity.

The Tamil-majority district is flanked by Trincomalee and Ampara, that together make the multi-ethnic Eastern Province that has been home to Tamils, a sizeable Muslim population who are also Tamil speaking, and a smaller proportion of Sinhalese. The clamour for land from different agencies, according to Batticaloa parliamentarian Shanakiyan Rasamanickam, is not a coincidence, but has a more sinister motive. “It is nothing but a systematic effort to change the demographics of the Tamil-majority areas.”

Pointing to past moves by “majoritarian governments” in post-Independence Sri Lanka, of “settling” Sinhalese people in Tamil-speaking areas, the MP said: “We are only seeing similar attempts now. And they are happening at an accelerated pace after the Rajapaksas returned to power.”

Source:The Hindu

Posted in Uncategorized

COVID-19 vaccination top priority in Sri Lanka’s Tamil-majority North and East

The Sri Lankan government will give top priority to COVID-19 vaccination and livelihood support in the Tamil-majority North and East of the island nation, according to an official tasked with overseeing the efforts.

Nearly 60,000 people across the Northern Province — Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mannar, Mullaitivu and Vavuniya — and about 74,000 people in the Eastern Province —Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara — have received both doses of the vaccine, according to Geethanath Cassilingham, coordinating secretary to Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa.

“We should be able to fully vaccinate everyone over 30 years of age very soon,” said Mr. Cassilingham, who is also the Resettlement Facilitator for the North and East. Locals are hoping for wide vaccine coverage in the region so they can return to their jobs. There is some vaccine hesitancy in the community, according to Sureshkumar Ushanandini, president of a Kilinochchi-based organisation of women who are sole bread winners in their families. “We need credible information on the vaccines, like who should avoid them, and what symptoms to look for in case of a reaction. The government could use its network of midwives to take this message to the community effectively.” she said.

The vaccination drive, however, cannot by itself turn the tide of economic distress, unless the government redoubles its efforts towards resettlement and livelihood revival, residents said. Although the pandemic has severely impacted the national economy and livelihoods across the country, families living in the North and East are worse off, as they were already struggling to put the devastating effects of a long civil war behind them. Studies have found that a quarter of those households are headed by women.

Economic hardships

Survivors of the war have repeatedly blamed the former Mahinda Rajapaksa administration [2005-2015] for their persisting economic hardships. While officials point to “an estimated $1 billion” post-war investment on infrastructure in the area, people’s lives hardly show a corresponding improvement.

 

In fact, most families in the northern and eastern districts resorted to predatory microfinance loans to survive during the last decade, getting entangled in a stifling web of debt. The successor Maithripala Sirisena-Ranil Wickremesinghe government [2015-2019] introduced some programmes to support indebted families but failed to see them through.

If housing needs in the area have increased, with families multiplying over time, retrieving land remains a challenge as owners return to their former plots, held by the military until recently. After successive governments’ efforts, some 3,500 families who were internally displaced remain to be resettled, data shared by an official source showed. While military-held land has been returned to the people in many areas, at least a few thousand acres of state and private land, including some six school buildings in Jaffna, are still with the tri-forces, according to the data.

“We are working with all stakeholders to ensure housing needs are met swiftly, and people are provided with land,” Mr. Cassilingham said. Additionally, building “strong livelihoods” in the agriculture and fisheries sectors is a “key priority”, he added.

Land, that is closely tied to people’s livelihoods, is being fiercely contested in the region, according to N. Vethanayahan, a former top bureaucrat, who has served as Government Agent [corresponds to the district collector in India] in all four northern districts.

“People’s lands, including agricultural lands, in many areas have been gazetted as forest lands now. They should be re-gazetted and returned to the people, who are the rightful owners of those lands,” he said.

On pending projects, he said completing the development of the Palaly airport and the Kankesanthurai Harbour in Jaffna – both India-backed – is crucial to drawing investments as well as creating jobs.

Twelve years have passed since the civil war ended, but the Tamils, especially women, of the north and east are yet to receive suitable support to sustain themselves economically, Ms. Ushanandini observed. “The government needs to focus on boosting production, value addition, and then access to markets. We need more manufacturing units or factories to come up here and provide jobs. All these have to happen for our battered economy to be revived,” she said.

The government also needs a clear plan for families who are still in India [about 1 lakh refugees] and are waiting to return, according to Mr. Vethanayahan. “They need support with documentation, land, and housing,” he said.

Source:The Hindu

Posted in Uncategorized

Inter-provincial movement restrictions remains until further notice: Army Chief

The inter-provincial movement restrictions will remain in place until further notice, Army Commander General Shavendra Silva said.

He said no decision was taken yet to ease the movement for normal services between provinces.

On June 10, Director General of Health Services had issued a circular easing the travel restrictions.

After having relaxed the travel restrictions, a limited number of inter-provincial buses and trains had been permitted to operate from July 14 for essential duties.

However, two days after the decision, buses and trains that were deployed to a limited extent despite the inter-provincial travel restrictions had to be suspended until August 01.

Although, the limited buses and trains services will operate between the provinces till August 1, the inter-provincial movement restrictions will be in place until further notice, the Commander said.

Posted in Uncategorized

SLAF Kfir Tender halted over dollar shortage

Tenders called for the purchase of spare parts, communication systems and antennas for Kfir fighter jets have been immediately suspended by the Air Force in the wake of the shortage of dollar reserves.

It is said that the Ministry of Defence has initiated an investigation yesterday (20) to ascertain as to how these Tenders were called without the knowledge of government authorities.

It is reported that the above Tenders were called despite the Israeli Aerostate Company installing spare parts and accessories for Kfir fighter jets.

Police Tender abandoned as well?

Meanwhile, it is reported that an attempt by the Police Department to place a Tender to import equipment to modify the Department, has also been thwarted.

On his Youtube channel, journalist Chapa Bandara has accused three persons of being involved in this Tender.

These 03 persons include Aruna Amarasekera (former DG of the TRC during the Chandrika Kumaratunga Government) who is currently an advisor of State minister – Sarath Weerasekara, Owner of Sekura Tec private limited – Lalendra Dhanawardena and Director of Traffic Police – Indika Hapugoda.

Posted in Uncategorized

Estate children: Trapped by poverty, destined for labour By Sumudu Chamara

It is an open secret that Sri Lanka’s plantation sector community is a segment of the population that receives step-motherly treatment from the authorities, and endures abysmal living conditions. Poverty has become the community’s defining characteristic, and what is more unfortunate is how it persists through generations, despite some attempts to provide better education and a better life for children from plantation sector areas.

The death of a 16-year-old girl who had allegedly been employed as a maid at MP Rishad Bathiudeen’s house sparked fresh controversy over the state of the lives of plantation sector children, at a time the country is already enraged at the numerous incidents of child sexual abuse and exploitation reported during the past few weeks.

The girl, who passed away on 15 July, had been admitted to the Colombo National Hospital on 3 July after sustaining burn injuries, and the subsequent judicial medical examination revealed that she had been subjected to prolonged sexual abuse. It was reported that the girl in question had come from a plantation area, which led to discourse about the brokers that facilitate the process of supplying child labourers for jobs in Colombo.

A new discourse

Speaking in this regard with The Morning on Monday (19), a collective of over 56 organisations named the Malayaha Organisation for Democracy (MOD) said that they had commenced a discussion about the issue.

“Some of these families have no choice other than to send their children to work. There are brokers here who facilitate this process, although with the onset of the pandemic, many who had left for work in Colombo lost their jobs and have since come back to the plantations,” stated Movement for Plantation People’s Land Rights (MPPLR) Convenor and Plantation Workers’ Wage Rights Movement (PWWRM) Co-ordinator S.T. Ganeshalingam.

Meanwhile, it was reported that Plantation Housing and Community Infrastructure State Minister Jeevan Thondaman had requested Public Security Minister Sarath Weerasekera to launch a thorough investigation into this matter. Speaking to the media yesterday (20), Thondaman confirmed he had made such a request, and that investigations have been launched to look into two aspects of the matter; namely, why a girl of that age was sent to the house in question as a domestic worker, and the circumstances that led to her death.

Thondaman noted: “These types of incidents show the harsh truth that child labour is very real in Sri Lanka, and we need to deal with it. Actions will be taken against the perpetrators of the above incident, regardless of their status. I urge the people living in plantation areas to register their children with the existing educational and vocational training facilities in those areas. These sorts of incidents have been happening for a long time; however, so many cases have gone unheard. If the public too can extend their co-operation, we would be able to address these situations.”

Child labourers

The working definition of “child labour”, which the International Labour Organisation (ILO) formulated with the International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC), is “any child between five and 17 years who are engaged in for one hour or more in an economic activity during the reference period of the past seven days”. In this context, “economic activity” refers to an activity in which a child is engaged for a payment, profit, or family gain.

As far as Sri Lanka is concerned, the legal parameters pertaining to the minimum age for employment changed quite recently. Last month, the National Child Protection Authority (NCPA) announced that the minimum age for employment had been increased from 14 to 16 years, in light of this year’s World Day Against Child Labour. Even though this is still one year less than the ILO recommended minimum age, this increase of the minimum age from 14 to 16 was considered a progressive step by many who commented on the decision.

This decision was based on an earlier decision to extend the age of compulsory education to 16 years, which was made under the Education Ordinance’s regulations pertaining to compulsory education. In this regard, NCPA Chairman Prof. Muditha Vidanapathirana said: “On 18 January 2021, we were able to pass a special Act (the Employment of Women, Young Persons and Children Act, No. 2 of 2021) with regard to child labour. The Employment of Women, Young Persons, and Children Act, No. 47 of 1956, as amended, had prohibited children up to 14 years of age from working. This new Act, however, increases the minimum age to 16 years.”

According to the NCPA, children between the ages of 16 and 18 years can only be recruited for jobs that do not pose a threat to their life, health, education, and moral development, and it is strictly prohibited to recruit them for unsafe jobs or jobs that require them to work at night. Recruiting children for street vending activities, the drug and liquor trade, circuses, entertainment activities for monetary benefits, and prostitution, as well as using children for commercial activities via the cyberspace, are offences under Sri Lanka’s criminal law.

State of life of child labourers from the estate sector

According to a comprehensive ILO study conducted in 2008, a child can be influenced into engaging in economic activity for payment by a host of mutually non-exclusive factors, including parental poverty and illiteracy, poor social and economic circumstances, the lack of awareness, the lack of access to basic and quality education and skills, the high rate of adult unemployment and/or under employment, and attitudes towards child labour (particularly in South Asia where children are expected to perform physical work as early as when they are 10 years old in some countries).

The ILO based its findings on a study conducted with the participation of 100 respondents (heads of households, regardless of the age) each from plantation sector estates in the Badulla, Kandy, Matale, Nuwara Eliya, Ratnapura, and Kegalle Districts. The ILO said that even though Sri Lanka had tended to create an impression that child labour is not a serious issue in plantations due to the plantation management being unable to hire children legally as labourers, tea plantations have been a traditional source of child domestic labour.

Of the samples, 0.2% of the respondents were between 15 and 19 years old, and were heads of households. The ILO explained that as a majority of households (72.2%) were headed by people over 40 years old, the families sought the support of their children to maintain expenses, which in turn made the children feel they should financially support the family/elders.

A slightly better picture was painted in terms of children’s education. Out of a total of 2,999 children, only 43 had been employed as workers. Of those in the five-13 age group, 98.4% were students, while 0.8% were employed; and out of those in the 14-17 age group, 73.8% were students, while 16.9% were employed.

The marital status of parents is also a factor that leads children to become child labourers, the ILO said, as it plays a role in determining a household’s economic and social characteristics. A total of 16% of household heads were widowed, which seems to be a very high figure. Also, a widowed parent would most often lose support from others, being forced to manage the household with the income of a single breadwinner, compelling children to seek employment to support the family.

With regard to the reasons for child labour, 33.3% of household heads had said that the family required the child’s income, while 28.6% of them had said they could not afford schooling. In 83.3% of the cases, the child had made the decision to work, while the parents had made that decision in 11.9% and 4.8% of the cases, respectively.

Based on the interviews conducted in the Kandy District, the study concluded: “The younger generation does not like to work in the estates. They wait till they reach working age and then migrate to find employment outside the estates. Boys find employment mainly in and around Colombo. Girls seek employment in garment factories. They find employment through persons who are already employed in these institutions.

“Many children aged 14-15 years stop schooling and spend their time playing. Children older than 10 years go to nearby villages for clove-plucking during the harvest season, although this is a dangerous task. Money attracts many children into this activity, though the harvesting season for cloves lasts only a few months, if not weeks. Though the school administration often takes stern action against this practice, children engage in this activity after school hours, over which the school administration has no control. These children give their earnings to their parents and guardians, and spend a portion of it themselves. Even the parents do not object to their kids making money at the expense of schooling.”

However, this need for additional income sometimes has a darker cause at its root. The interviews conducted in the Nuwara Eliya District had led to the following conclusion: “Alcoholism is a burning problem in the estate areas. Often, the male member of the household – i.e. the household head – is addicted to alcohol. There are cases where both parents are addicted to liquor. When the father is under the influence of alcohol, he quarrels with the mother. The calm family environment is shattered as a result. Often, their children are the victims of this process. Sometimes the drunken father beats up the children as well. The fear psyche disturbs the minds of the children and they lose concentration on their studies. Since the plantation houses are built in line rooms, the children are even disturbed by problems in the nearby households.

“Students report to school without having their breakfast. This leads to the loss of concentration and falling sick during school hours. Absenteeism and irregular attendance to school are prevalent in the plantation sector. The main reason for child labour is poverty. Parents do not have sufficient income to meet expenses on education, though it is given free. Parents prioritise earning money over giving children a good education. The perception of parents is such that sending the child to work is seen as credit (the child earns money), while sending them to school is seen as debit (the parents have to spend money).”

The report also noted that this disregard for education by household heads stemmed from a lack of education on their own part. “Almost 90% of the parents – particularly the father – do not seem to care about their children’s education. Neither have they cared for their children’s welfare. All they need is financial support from their children to maintain the family. Levels of education of the head of household will be an important factor having a direct impact on child labour, as it conditions their perception of children’s education and attitudes towards child labour. It was reported in the survey that more than half of the household heads have received only primary education. Only 2.2% of the heads of households have received upper secondary education,” the report further said.

Late last year, Amnesty International warned that the disruption of school education caused by the Covid-19 pandemic was risking children belonging to plantation communities being left behind, adding that if the State fails to deliver effective, innovative, timely, and multifaceted responses, children in plantation communities are in danger of not only dropping out of school, but also being pushed into child (including bonded) labour.

Sri Lanka’s plantation sector contributes almost 30% of the foreign exchange income to the country, and nearly one million people live in plantation areas. They are not only a considerable part of the country’s economy, but are also a considerable portion of the country’s general public – and so it is concerning that such a large and important segment of our society is left impoverished, even while the nation benefits from their hard work.

Studies suggest that besides poverty, the lack of education and unawareness of its importance are the main reasons why plantation sector-based parents allow and encourage their children to work. However, these issues are not new – authorities have been discussing their living conditions for years, if not decades. How their struggle to get a minimum daily wage of Rs. 1,000 was dealt with only highlights how ignored they are by mainstream political authorities, and it is indeed tragic.

Perhaps it is time that Sri Lankans, both the public and the authorities, change the mindset that divides such matters into “their issues” and “my issues”, and look at others’ issues as their own, because when it comes to addressing issues such as child abuse, there is a lot the general public can do to tackle the problem at its root.

Hirunika files petition against Presidential pardon for Duminda Silva

Former Member of Parliament Hirunika Premachandra, the daughter of the late Bharatha Lakshman Premachandra, has filed a fundamental rights petition in the Supreme Court against the Presidential pardon for Duminda Silva, who was sentenced to death for the murder of her father.

Ms Premachandra requests the Supreme Court to declare that granting a presidential pardon to Duminda Silva is unconstitutional.

Therefore, Hirunika Premachandra has requested the Supreme Court to nullify the President’s order granting pardon to former Parliamentarian Duminda Silva who was sentenced to death.

The Attorney General for the President, Minister of Justice Ali Sabry and the Attorney General have been named as respondents in the petition.

Ms. Premachandra pointed out that Defendant Duminda Silva was convicted and sentenced to death by a two-thirds majority of the three-judge panel of the Colombo High Court for the shooting death of Bharatha Lakshman Premachandra, a trade union adviser to former President Mahinda Rajapaksa.

The death sentence was later upheld by a five-judge bench of the Supreme Court, but the convicted was released on June 24 under a presidential pardon.

Petitioner Hirunika Premachandra has stated in her petition that the President has taken steps to grant such a pardon without following the provisions of the Constitution.

The petitioner seeks the court to declare the release of the respondent Duminda Silva under a presidential pardon as unconstitutional, to nullify the Presidential pardon order and to summon the relevant documents to hold a hearing on the pardon of Duminda Silva.